A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, July 24, 2017
- Both major parties finalising plans for local polls, but different views on when they will be held
- Anti-Corruption Committee Secretariat closed down, but PM’s office sets up PR unit with similar tasks
- New Ports Minister Samarasinghe works out compromise on Hambantota, signing likely within weeks
By Our Political Editor-Sunday, July 23, 2017
President Maithripala Sirisena hurriedly interrupted the Cabinet meeting that was in progress last Tuesday. He rose from his chair and asked ministers whether they could feel something like a tremor that was causing vibration of the floor.
He said he could feel such a phenomenon where he sat — the podium in the
onetime Well of the House of Parliament facing ministers seated behind
rows of tables. Soon, members of his personal protection group were
summoned and told to find out what was happening.
The men who left the chamber returned sometime later to tell Sirisena
that the vibrations were caused by piling equipment being used in the
Chinese funded Colombo Port City project. It was just across the road
from the Presidential Secretariat. “Let’s hope that when the
construction work finishes, the Presidential Secretariat will be
intact,” he remarked half-jokingly. The meeting continued. When
discussions or decisions on some 49 items on the agenda were concluded,
it was time for “any other business.”
Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe rose to explain why he has been
accused of abusing United Nations envoy Ben Emmerson QC, Special
Rapporteur on human rights and counter terrorism. During a five-day
visit to Sri Lanka, Emmerson met Rajapakshe at the Justice Ministry.
Emmerson is retiring from the UN system later next week.
Rajapakshe told the meeting that Emmerson had claimed there were 200
Tiger guerrilla suspects in government custody. This, the minister
declared, was a highly exaggerated figure and he had asked Emmerson to
explain how he arrived at such a number. The real figure, Rajapakshe
said, was sixty. Emmerson had replied that he had obtained those figures
from “reliable sources” but had refused to elaborate. The Justice
Minister claimed he told Emmerson to rely only on “authenticated”
figures. It is in that hostile tempo that the duo had discussed the
introduction by the Government of a new counter terrorism law. Here
again Rajapakshe was to tell Emmerson that interference was not welcome
since the introduction of a new law was the sole prerogative of a
sovereign government. He appeared unaware that such foreign intervention
was inevitable since the Government had co-sponsored the US backed
resolution on Sri Lanka at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. In that
too, Sri Lanka had assured that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)
now in force would be repealed.
Private tuition in diplomacy
Rajapakshe’s lengthy explanation notwithstanding, he received some private tuition on diplomacy and diplomatic conduct from Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his own ministerial colleagues. “We need to get along with the international community. We don’t want to return to the Mahinda Rajapaksa era,” declared Wickremesinghe. He said in that era, top UN officials were either not allowed to come to Sri Lanka, or were abused when they did arrive.
Even if Wickremesinghe did not say so, one such instance was the comment
made by then cabinet minister Mervyn Silva. When the UN’s former Human
Rights High Commissioner Navi Pillay was in Sri Lanka, he made a public
statement that he wished to marry her. In another instance, the then
Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne was to describe a visiting UN dignitary as
a “terrorist.”
The Premier said that in the recent past, UN reports on Sri Lanka had
not been inimical. Only one such report had made some critical
references and was bad. Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake declared that
such undignified remarks against a visiting UN dignitary only made his
job difficult. “I am also a patriot but I don’t go about confronting
others to demonstrate it,” he said. Endorsing those views were also
former Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera and Health Minister Rajitha
Senaratne.
President Sirisena disclosed that he had received reports that some
pro-Tiger guerrilla elements had been responsible for taking Emmerson to
a detention centre. That should not happen, he said, and asked who gave
permission for this. Prison Reforms Minister D.M. Swaminathan was quick
to disown it was he or his Ministry. It turned out that the Foreign
Ministry had agreed to the visit in accordance with previously agreed
procedures laid out for UN special mandate holders. Such visits, once
again, were the result of assurances agreed to by Sri Lanka in the US
sponsored Human Rights Council resolution.
The ‘tremor’ or vibration that Sirisena encountered when chairing the
cabinet session was relatively minor compared to the political tremors
he is experiencing. On the one hand, just two weeks after admonishing
his partner in governance, the United National Party (UNP) leadership
for stalling investigations into high profile cases involving former
President Mahinda Rajapaksa and members of his family, Sirisena has
placed the state investigative agencies on high gear. A number of cases
have now been revived after they had been in limbo for some time.
Opposition parties have renewed their campaign against such action,
particularly with regard to cases involving military personnel. This
week, the UNP also struck a discordant note and delivered what seemed a
veiled message to Sirisena.
On the other hand, a group of pro-Sirisena loyalists of the Sri Lanka
Freedom Party (SLFP) seem hell bent on quitting ranks and sitting as an
independent entity in Parliament. The group met twice this week, in the
homes of two different SLFP cabinet ministers, to discuss the move. At
least a few seem poised on leaving ignoring Sirisena’s appeal to stay
together till December 31.
This new deadline is to decide on whether or not to renew a Memorandum
of Understanding (MoU) between the SLFP and the UNP to continue the
coalition. That new deadline is not lost on the UNP too. It is also busy
working out counter strategies.
ACCS closed down, new PR unit set up
This week, the Government’s decision to close down the Anti-Corruption Committee Secretariat was officially conveyed to relevant authorities. This Committee served as a ‘clearing house’ of sorts for public complaints on bribery, corruption and fraud and directed them to the relevant state investigative agencies. It functioned under a Cabinet Subcommittee chaired by Premier Wickremesinghe. The decision of the Cabinet has been clearly enumerated. It says:
“The major role of the Anti-Corruption Committee Secretariat (ACCS) was
to forward the complaints received by it from various parties, to the
relevant agencies such as the Sri Lanka Police, Financial Crimes
Investigation Division (FCID), Commission to Investigate Allegations of
Bribery or Corruption etc;
“That, since the FCID is fully functioning at the moment, the need for the functioning of the ACCS does not arise; and
“That, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption can initiate investigations into an allegation of bribery or corruption, whether of its own or on a complaint made to it, as per provisions in Article 156A(1) (b) of the Constitution;
“After discussion, taking into consideration the views expressed by the
Members of the Cabinet, it was decided not to extend the term of office
of the Anti-Corruption Committee Secretariat, the term of which has
already expired on 2017–06–30.
“To inform the Secretary to the Prime Minister to take action:
Handover all pending complaints related to documents presently in the possession of the ACCS, to the appropriate Investigative Authorities to pursue action on such complaints;
To assign the officers who have been temporarily released to serve in
the ACCS, to their substantive positions in the relevant Institutions;
To terminate the services of the officers/employees, if any, recruited on contract/temporary basis, with immediate effect; and
To transfer the assets of the ACCS, if any, appropriately to the relevant Institutions, for their use.”
Two officials from the Prime Minister’s office took charge of the
Secretariat Office along Colombo’s Perahera Mawatha, just outside the
northern entrance to ‘Temple Trees’ on Wednesday afternoon. The next day
(Thursday), former parliamentarian and diplomat Rosie Senanayake, who
is the Deputy Chief of Staff at the Prime Minister’s Office, declared
open what was formally called a “Public Relations Unit” in the same
building.
J. Dadellage, who is in charge as Consultant of this Unit told the
Sunday Times, “This Unit will receive any complaint of public grievances
or complaints including cases of bribery or corruption. Thereafter, we
will direct it to the relevant agency for investigation or necessary
action. The public at times are not aware of the institution they should
submit their complaints.”
Dadallage added, “In turn we will give the relevant agency a time frame
to look into the complaint and submit a report. We can then keep the
public informed about the progress concerning the investigation or
issue. We will evaluate the progress made regarding the complaints.”
Dadallage, a retired state service officer, himself was involved in a
controversy before retirement. He once declared that there was nothing
wrong in using government funds to purchase and distribute Sil cloth.
This is a white cloth worn by Buddhists when they take part in religious
observances particularly during Poya Days. Dadallage then equated the
gifting of Sil cloth as similar to making Samurdhi payments. However,
the former Presidential Secretary (Lalith Weeratunga) has been indicted
for using funds from the Telecom Regulatory Commission (TRC) for
procuring Sil cloth and distributing it.
It was only at the previous Cabinet meeting (July 11) Premier
Wickremesinghe urged that the Anti-Corruption Committee Secretariat be
brought under his purview. This is by placing it under his Secretary’s
charge. However, this was turned down by Sirisena. He explained that the
Premier would have to face more allegations if that was done.
If Dadallage’s assertions that the new ‘Public Relations Unit’ will play
the role of the Secretariat – i.e. receive public complaints and direct
them to the relevant state investigative agencies is correct, then it
makes a joke of the ministerial decision based on the President’s
remarks to shut it down. It is compounded by Dadallage’s remarks that
the Unit would give time to those agencies to investigate and monitor
such public complaints. Such an arrangement could have continued even
with the Anti-Corruption Secretariat in place. Hence, reasons for the
closure of the Secretariat have more to it than what has surfaced.
On the face of it, no one can fault Premier Wickremesinghe for setting up a ‘Public Relations Unit’ – one which perhaps could be established even by other Ministers. His office, the PMO, woefully lacks public relations. It cannot even send out a simple press release properly, in any language. There’s no spokesperson for the PM or the PMO.
With the setting up of the Unit, it seems its direction is elsewhere.
The unit could also seek public complaints and direct them to relevant
investigative agencies. However, unlike the Anti-Corruption commeittee
Secretariat for which Wickremesinghe obtained prior approval, those PR
units do not require the permission of the Cabinet of Ministers. In
doing so, Wickremesinghe has delivered to his critics, Sirisena
included, that he could have his own mechanisms to fight bribery and
corruption. If one institution is denied, there are other institutions
that could do the job, seemed the message. Yet, it raises questions of
legality on whether a PR Unit can direct state investigative arms to
carry out probes and demand periodic status reports.
Amaraweera’s remarks
That the UNP ministers have been smarting after Sirisena’s verbal attack over two weeks ago is known. At a previous Cabinet meeting, Enterprise Development Minister Kabir Hashim was to reflect this anger. It began after reported remarks by Minister Mahinda Amaraweera who allegedly told some MPs that certain members of the Rajapaksa family would be arrested soon. Since Amaraweera is known to have the President Sirisena’s ear, his alleged remarks gained currency. When members of the Rajapaksa family raised issue, he reportedly relented and issued a statement that the Rajapaksas should be pardoned if there was any wrong doing. Amaraweera’s colleagues said that he was worried about his eroding support base in his electorate in the Hambantota District. Hashim took the opportunity at the ministerial meeting to ask who was supporting the Rajapaksas now. He said the UNP was being accused of doing so when it only wanted to act in “keeping with the law.”
Among the state investigative agencies, the Commission to Investigate
Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) which comes under President Sirisena, is
to be revamped. An agreement for a grant of Rs 35. 2 million (US$
250,000) is to be signed by the Government with the US State
Department’s Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour. A programme
to be completed this year includes the funding of training for officers,
updating the CIABOC website, acquisition of technical equipment and
compilation of code of guideline made by the East West Management
Institute (EWMI). The EWMI has been selected by the Department of State
to implement the 18 month project. Robert H. Hilton, Deputy Chief of
Mission of the US Embassy in Sri Lanka said in a letter to Sarath
Jayamanne, Director General of CIABOC, early this year that the project
also includes sub-grants to the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and
civil society organisations to raise “public awareness concerning
anti-corruption activities.”
SriLankan Airlines
Other than these political issues, the Government’s concerns are also focused on the economic front. One such issue is the national carrier SriLankan Airlines. Negotiations are under way with two West Asian carriers for a partnership arrangement. One of them was to complain this week that while a dialogue was under way with it, the national carrier was expanding operations to Melbourne with a weekly flight from Colombo – and blocking the potential partner from the route traffic. They pointed out that such activity prevented it from making a complete study of the operations of SriLankan Airlines since they kept changing.
For the Government, pumping colossal amounts of money to keep the
airline afloat is not the only commitment. It also has to keep declaring
periodically that SriLankan Airlines is “a going concern.” This week,
Public Enterprise Development Minister Kabir Hashim made a request for
the Government to certify that SriLankan Airlines is a “going concern.”
The audit for the year ended March 31, 2017 is now being carrid out for
SriLankan by the Auditor General’s Department through KPMG, the
well-known global network of professional firms providing audit, tax and
advisory services. The External Auditor has asked a letter from the
Treasury that the Government of Sri Lanka will extend financial support
to SriLankan to maintain its “Going Concern” as a strategic partnership,
but it is yet to be worked out. Hashim is seeking Government approval
for the Treasury Secretary to issue such a letter. Previous years too,
such letters have been issued.
In fact, financial backing from the Government, akin to dumping money
into a bottomless pit, continues. The Government has already given the
green light to a request by SriLankan Airlines to receive a monthly
payment of over Rs 1.525 billion for one more year. This is to cover
operational costs and will also include payment of salaries among other
matters. It was revealed recently, how some of those in the top rungs of
the SriLankan management receive handsome pay packets.
This week, SriLankan Airlines which has now merged with Mihin Lanka,
received another financial boost. It won government approval for Letters
of Comfort for “operations” by the national carrier. Mihin Lanka ceased
by the end of October 2016 when the operating routes were taken over by
SriLankan Airlines. The Letters of Comfort for a specified period of Rs
1.65 billion each from both the Bank of Ceylon and the People’s Bank
will now be issued by the Treasury.
In addition, the National Savings Bank, which has been named the “Lead Manager in the re-orientation programme for SriLankan” is receiving Rs 169,303, 748. This is for actions that include “preparation of detailed Request for Proposals, inviting partners, management contracts and preparing comprehensive Information Memorandum. The National Savings Bank Fund Management Company selected reputed consultancy firms to complete the assignment. The consultants were the Attorney General’s Department, KPMG, BNP Paribas, Milbank Tweed Hadley & McCloy and F.J. and G. de Saram. Despite all these efforts, SriLankan Airlines has still not been successful in finding a partner and thus stem the haemorrhaging of public funds.
Hambantota Port project
Another area of economic importance is the Hambantota Port project. Since Ports and Shipping Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe took over, fresh negotiations have been going on with the Chinese firm. Government sources said yesterday that a draft Concession Agreement has almost been knocked into shape and could be ready for sigining within weeks. Samarasinghe is seeking government approval for the Treasury to make repayments of the loan instalments for the project beginning this month. This is particularly in view of the benefits of the Port of Hambantota accruing to the government.
He has said that the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) will make the
repayment when the Concession Agreement is signed and funds are received
from China. He has noted that no allocation of funds for this loan
repayment has been made in the revised budget of the SLPA approved by
the Board of Directors last month.
Funds had been allocated only for future development of Ports other than
Hambantota in the revised budget 2017 in the expectation that the
burden would be taken over by the Government. Provision that the
Treasury would make re-payment of loans is being made in the Concession
Agreement.
The construction of the Hambantota Port has been undertaken in two phases. The first phase has been completed and the second is now under way. The port development project including bunkering facility and tank farm has been financed by loans from Exim Bank of China amounting to over US$ 1.3 billion and a loan of over US$$ 20 million from the Bank of Ceylon.
The remaining funds were from the income from Sri Lanka Ports Authority
(SLPA). Government sources said Minister Samarasinghe has successfully
obtained changes in the Concession Agreement from the previous draft
(formulated under the previous Minister) to ensure they do not violate
any laws including the ones governing the SLPA.
Amidst the uneasy calm, both the pro-Sirisena SLFP and the UNP are busy
preparing themselves for upcoming, long postponed local polls. If
Sirisena has said that such polls will be early next year,
Wickremesinghe has declared it would be in November or December. Even on
that, there is no unanimity.
The Premier was busy last Monday night hearing power point presentations by foreign electoral strategists on how to win the local polls. He also discussed with his party officials details related to the polls campaign. Amidst some uncertainty, Sirisena has also been talking to his own SLFP ministers. It is becoming clear that both the SLFP and the UNP have agreed to disagree. Though gradually, their plans are unfolding.