A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Thursday, July 13, 2017
Sri Lanka: Constitutional impasse
The process of drafting a new Constitution has now been in the pipeline for some months. This has been slow because the government has been keen to obtain the views of as many stakeholders as possible.
( July 13, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Among
the main priorities of President Maithripala Sirisena, Prime Minister
Ranil Wickremesinghe and their National Unity government was the task of
enacting a new Constitution to replace the nearly forty-year-old
Constitution introduced by former President J. R. Jayewardene which
ushered in an executive presidential system of government in the
country.
Although the three Presidents from the United National Party (UNP) who
held office, Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and D. B. Wijetunge did
nothing to diminish the powers of the Presidency, the three Presidents
from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda
Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena all promised to abolish or modify the
Presidency.
Kumaratunga called the 1978 Constitution a ‘bahubootha’ (nonsensical)
Constitution and pledged to repeal it but did not do so. Rajapaksa
promised to modify it but in fact went on to strengthen the powers of
the Executive President, amending it through the 18th Amendment to
remove the two-term limit on an individual to hold the office of
President.
President Maithripala Sirisena, whose presidential election campaign was
born out of the campaign of Venerable Maduluwave Sobhitha Thera’s
movement to abolish the executive presidential system of government,
pledged to reform the Presidency, pruning its powers and making it
responsible to Parliament.
Amendment to the Constitution
Indeed, President Sirisena and the National Unity government has already
pruned some of the powers of the Presidency, restoring the two-term
limit on an individual and reducing the term of office from six years to
five years through the passage of the 19th Amendment to the
Constitution.
The process of drafting a new Constitution has now been in the pipeline
for some months. This has been slow because the government has been keen
to obtain the views of as many stakeholders as possible. Two key areas
in the process- apart from reforming the Presidency- are changes to the
electoral system and the devolution of powers that will redress the
grievances of ethnic minorities.
However, the entire country was taken by surprise when the Buddhist
clergy, spearheaded by the Asgiriya Chapter in Kandy, issued a statement
a week ago, declaring that there was no need for a new Constitution.
They also raised the issue with the International Convention for the
Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances Bill being
presented in Parliament, wanting it deferred.
The special Sangha Council which met to issue the statement was attended
by the Mahanayakas of three Nikayas and seventy-five other leading
Buddhist prelates. It was the most direct intervention yet by the clergy
into the affairs of the government, since the National Unity government
assumed office.
However, it will be recalled that two weeks prior to this statement, the
Karaka Sangha Sabha of the Asgiriya Chapter had issued a statement
under the hand of the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter, the Most
Venerable Warakagoda Gnanaratana Thera noting what it called were
‘concerns about the challenges posed by internal and external
conspiracies against Sinhala Buddhists’.
Muslim community
What raised eyebrows in that statement was its tacit endorsement of the
sentiments of the radical Buddhist monk, Venerable Galagodaatte
Gnanasara Thera and his self-styled ‘Buddhist Army’, the Bodu Bala Sena
(BBS) organisation, although it said it did not approve of the manner in
which the Venerable Thera had conducted himself.
“Although we do not approve the aggressive behaviour and speech of
Bhikkhu Galagodaatte Gnanasara, the viewpoint expressed by him cannot be
discarded. Insulting Bhikkhus by various groups without inquiring into
the veracity of the issues raised by him cannot be condoned,” that
statement from the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter said.
Many were taken by surprise at this stance because Venerable Gnanasara
Thera, openly inciting racial hatred against the Muslim community, was
wanted by courts and was a fugitive. Days after the statement from the
Asgiriya Chapter, the Venerable Thera who had alleged that there were
death threats against him, surrendered to two separate courts and was
granted bail twice on the same day.
What the two declarations made by the Buddhist clergy in Kandy revealed
was that there was a significant difference of opinion between them and
those in government. While the issue of Venerable Gnanasara Thera’s
conduct is a matter of concern, it pales into insignificance against the
greater issue regarding amending the Constitution, which is at the core
of the Government’s agenda.
Indeed, it could be argued that, at the last presidential election, the
people of the country preferred Maithripala Sirisena over the incumbent,
all-powerful President Mahinda Rajapaksa because they desired a
departure from the oligarchy that was controlling all aspects of the
country’s public life, an oligarchy made possible only because of the
1978 Constitution.
To now interrupt the process of constitutional reform would be to
abandon the very reason why the government was voted into office. On the
other hand, the sentiments of the Buddhist clergy could not be
disregarded because they wield considerable influence over the vast
majority of voters who are Sinhalese Buddhists. If ignored, it could
result in disastrous political consequences.
To deal with this conundrum is a difficult task for the Government.
Towards resolving this issue, President Sirisena visited Kandy soon
after. He was accompanied by the Buddha Sasana and Justice Minister
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe who has acquired a reputation for his pro-Sinhala
Buddhist sentiments within the UNP parliamentary group.
There, President Sirisena informed the Mahanayaka Theras of the three
Nikayas and other Sangha Sabhas that a new commission and a special
committee would be appointed to look into proposed Constitutional
reforms. It is understood the President explained the rationale of the
Government’s course of action and assured that measures would be in
place to safeguard the ‘foremost’ status of Buddhism that is now
guaranteed under Article 9 of the present Constitution.
Days later, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe echoed the same
sentiments. Speaking at the opening of the ‘weli maluwa’ at
Ruwaneweliseya in Anuradhapura over the weekend, the Prime Minister
stated that provisions would be included in the new Constitution that
would prohibit Governments from interfering with the internal matters of
three main Buddhist Chapters.
Political parties
While the Government was attempting to defuse what could be a political
crisis, other political parties were also querying the stance of the
Buddhist clergy. The Mahanayakes have decided to oppose a new
Constitution without any knowledge of its contents, Janatha Vimukthi
Peramuna (JVP) Parliamentarian Bimal Ratnayake declared. The JVP, he
said, was not opposed to a new Constitution.
Meanwhile, The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) urged the Government to
hold a referendum and place the issue of the new Constitution before the
people. TNA parliamentarian M. Sumanthiran stated that the decision on a
new Constitution should ultimately rest with the people and hence a
referendum should be held if necessary.
Surprisingly, the Joint Opposition (JO) has not come out in force,
opposing a new Constitution. It has its own dilemma. The current
Constitution, with the 19th Amendment in force, debars Mahinda Rajapaksa
from running for President again. Therefore, as long as the present
Constitution is operative, Rajapaksa will have to play second fiddle-
and that is not a prospect the JO relishes.
In contrast, if the present Constitution is replaced, the powers of the
Executive President are further pruned and are replaced by an executive
Prime Minister; Rajapaksa could be back in the driving seat. This could
explain the JO’s muted response to the declaration in Kandy.
It was also noted by many observers that opposition to a new
Constitution at this stage was somewhat premature because the draft of a
new Constitution has not been released yet. There were many proposals
under consideration and there was no ‘draft Constitution’ as such.
To its credit, the government has not abandoned the project of reforming
the Constitution. In fact, all indications are that it is going ahead
with the process, with greater input from the Buddhist clergy. In this
process, it would do well to note that a continuous dialogue with the
clergy will be helpful. This was also noted by the JVP which said the
clergy had not been well informed by the government.
Indications are that the government will continue with its efforts to
draft and present a new Constitution. Now, in addition to obtaining a
two-thirds majority in Parliament, it has to convince the Buddhist
clergy that a new Constitution is both necessary and essential. That
will be challenging, especially if chauvinistic opposition political
forces band together and decide to gain political mileage.