Tuesday, July 10, 2018

Vijayakala’s LTTE & Asgiriya Anunayaka’s Hitler: A Political Economy Of Dissent In A Morally Decaying Society


Jude Fernando
logoIf they call you a Hitler, then be a Hitler and build this country.—Ven. Vendaruwe Upali Thero (Anunayaka of the Asgiriya Chapter), advising Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Now we remember how we lived before May 18, 2009. In the present conditions our main intention is to bring back the LTTE if we want to live, if we want to walk freely, if we need our children to attend schools and return back.Vijayakala Maheswaran
The timing of these two, ill-thought-out and irresponsible, or perhaps, misspoken statements, and the stark difference between the public and political responses to them, are evidence of the harsh and uncomfortable realities of this country. The statements are an indictment of the yahapalanaya (“good governance”) regime for failing to fulfill its promises. Desperation and anxiety about this failure run deep in a society so morally bankrupt and intellectually and politically paralyzed, that it sees no other option but to turn to the LTTE or to authoritarian regimes to help solve the country’s social, economic, and political problems—regardless of the atrocious history of such regimes. These are symptoms of a morally degenerating society deprived of convincing alternative narratives and road maps to guide its future. 
The double standards evident in the popular and political responses to Anunayaka and Vijayakala are indicative of a country sharply polarized along ethnic lines and also of the continuing influence of ethno nationalism on the politics of the country. Such polarization creates communities that are unable to empathize with other communities, even if they are facing similar struggles. After thirty years of war, million-dollar investments in reconciliation and peace-building have not helped the country move away from reactionary, racist nationalism and toward a more inclusive nationalism. An ethno-nationalist interpretation of Vijayakala’s apparent call for a resurgence of the LTTE might cause the Sinhalese to endorse Anunayaka’s counsel to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and the Tamils who fear a further entrenchment of forces against them to sympathize with Vijayakala. The statements reinforce each other, and they will take center stage in the political discourse as the country approaches its next election.
Vilifying Vijayakala and branding Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Hitler, are desperate acts of political opportunism that only serve to create fear.  If we really are concerned about the country sliding towards fascist rule under the LTTE or Hitler-style authoritarian regimes, we need to unravel and challenge the economic, cultural, and political underpinnings of the current excitement about the two statements.
The current government came to power by promising to restore law and order. After failing to do so, it is now hoping to remain in power by frightening the public about criminals whom it promises to catch when it forms the next government. Hardly anyone believes that the regime will catch politically powerful and popular members of the den of thieves, despite Minister Rajitha Senarathne’s proclamation that ‘2018 is a year of catching criminals’. Not only is the government complicit in thefts carried out by its own members, but there is also a widespread belief that the allegations of theft are important sources of political bargaining, which helps preserve a weak and unpopular government. As a result, the public is not swayed by the government’s claims that it is not interfering in legal proceedings against corruption, (as the previous government did) or the government’s plea for the public to be patient and should not expect an instant restoration of the judicial system.
Corruption has been normalized, and the legal system is struggling to overcome constraints so that it can carry out its duties. Criminals that the government promised to catch are fast becoming national heroes who could potentially form the next government. The president and the prime minister seem to blame each other for their failure to bring these criminals to justice. Yet, for most voters, corruption is simply not a matter of high priority when faced with other impending material problems. Even the JVP is not an option for the people to end corruption.  Most people do not vote for the JVP, even if they welcome its persistence in exposing corruption. Under these circumstances, people would even vote for extremely corrupt persons, especially when allegations of corruption against them remain unproven, so long as their campaign policies promise to make real change on the ground.
The frustrations of the Tamil minority with the government run as high frustrations of the majority Sinhalese. The progress the government has made in relation to certain minority issues—progress that has been acknowledged by Vijayakala herself—is not reason enough for minorities to be complacent about the status quo. The much-anticipated constitutional changes allowing for devolution of power are unlikely in the near future if supposed fears of resurgence of the LTTE and of anti-minority sentiments occupy a central place in the coming election campaigns. 

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