A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, July 10, 2018
Vijayakala’s LTTE & Asgiriya Anunayaka’s Hitler: A Political Economy Of Dissent In A Morally Decaying Society
If they call you a Hitler, then be a Hitler and build this country.—Ven. Vendaruwe Upali Thero (Anunayaka of the Asgiriya Chapter), advising Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Now
we remember how we lived before May 18, 2009. In the present conditions
our main intention is to bring back the LTTE if we want to live, if we
want to walk freely, if we need our children to attend schools and
return back.—Vijayakala Maheswaran
The timing of these two, ill-thought-out and irresponsible, or perhaps,
misspoken statements, and the stark difference between the public and
political responses to them, are evidence of the harsh and uncomfortable
realities of this country. The statements are an indictment of the
yahapalanaya (“good governance”) regime for failing to fulfill its
promises. Desperation and anxiety about this failure run deep in a
society so morally bankrupt and intellectually and politically
paralyzed, that it sees no other option but to turn to the LTTE or to
authoritarian regimes to help solve the country’s social, economic, and
political problems—regardless of the atrocious history of such regimes.
These are symptoms of a morally degenerating society deprived of
convincing alternative narratives and road maps to guide its future.
The double standards evident in the popular and political responses to
Anunayaka and Vijayakala are indicative of a country sharply polarized
along ethnic lines and also of the continuing influence of ethno
nationalism on the politics of the country. Such polarization creates
communities that are unable to empathize with other communities, even if
they are facing similar struggles. After thirty years of war,
million-dollar investments in reconciliation and peace-building have not
helped the country move away from reactionary, racist nationalism and
toward a more inclusive nationalism. An ethno-nationalist interpretation
of Vijayakala’s apparent call for a resurgence of the LTTE might cause the Sinhalese to endorse Anunayaka’s counsel to Gotabaya Rajapaksa,
and the Tamils who fear a further entrenchment of forces against them
to sympathize with Vijayakala. The statements reinforce each other, and
they will take center stage in the political discourse as the country
approaches its next election.
Vilifying Vijayakala and branding Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Hitler, are
desperate acts of political opportunism that only serve to create fear. If
we really are concerned about the country sliding towards fascist rule
under the LTTE or Hitler-style authoritarian regimes, we need to unravel
and challenge the economic, cultural, and political underpinnings of
the current excitement about the two statements.
The current government came to power by promising to restore law and
order. After failing to do so, it is now hoping to remain in power by
frightening the public about criminals whom it promises to catch when it
forms the next government. Hardly anyone believes that the regime will
catch politically powerful and popular members of the den of thieves,
despite Minister Rajitha Senarathne’s proclamation that ‘2018 is a year
of catching criminals’. Not only is the government complicit in thefts
carried out by its own members, but there is also a widespread belief
that the allegations of theft are important sources of political
bargaining, which helps preserve a weak and unpopular government. As a
result, the public is not swayed by the government’s claims that it is
not interfering in legal proceedings against corruption, (as the
previous government did) or the government’s plea for the public to be
patient and should not expect an instant restoration of the judicial
system.
Corruption has been normalized, and the legal system is struggling to
overcome constraints so that it can carry out its duties. Criminals that
the government promised to catch are fast becoming national heroes who
could potentially form the next government. The president and the prime
minister seem to blame each other for their failure to bring these
criminals to justice. Yet, for most voters, corruption is simply not a
matter of high priority when faced with other impending material
problems. Even the JVP is not an option for the people to end
corruption. Most
people do not vote for the JVP, even if they welcome its persistence in
exposing corruption. Under these circumstances, people would even vote
for extremely corrupt persons, especially when allegations of corruption
against them remain unproven, so long as their campaign policies
promise to make real change on the ground.
The frustrations of the Tamil minority with the government run as high
frustrations of the majority Sinhalese. The progress the government has
made in relation to certain minority issues—progress that has been
acknowledged by Vijayakala herself—is not reason enough for minorities
to be complacent about the status quo. The much-anticipated
constitutional changes allowing for devolution of power are unlikely in
the near future if supposed fears of resurgence of the LTTE and of
anti-minority sentiments occupy a central place in the coming election
campaigns.