A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, June 3, 2013
Election Of NPC Can Be Benefit All Provinces
By Jehan Perera -June 3, 2013 |
There
are many unresolved grievances that face the war-affected people of all
communities after the end of the war, and which the centralized system
of government has so far failed to adequately address. These include
the resettlement of persons who were displaced during the war, such as
Muslims displaced over twenty years ago, who have still to go back to
their original places. Over 2,000 displaced persons in the North have
filed action in the courts of law against the expropriation of their
lands by the government for military use that amounts to over 6300 acres
or 2/3 the amount of land on which Colombo city is located. There is
also the vexed issue of those who went missing during the war, and those
who were made to disappear. There are tens of thousands who continue
to be unaccounted for, if pre-war and post-war statistics for population
in the North are to be believed.
Another emerging problem in the North relates to the government’s plan
to industrialise it but without consultation with the elected
representatives of the people of those areas. Recently the government
entered into negotiations with an international company of Nepalese
origin, to restart and revamp the long closed cement factory in
Kankesanthurai in the northernmost part of the island. On the face of
it, this would appear to be a very positive action as the factory to be
built will produce on a large scale for the international market and
this could mean that there will be a lot of job openings soon in the
Northern Province. However, concern is being expressed that this
massive project has been formulated without consideration for the
environmental damage that could result from the large scale extraction
of limestone and the potential pollution of the underground water that
feeds agriculture in that part of the country.
While centralized decision making has the advantage of being quick and
decisive it can take place without sufficient concern for the different
local level priorities of people living in the provinces. The example
of the cement factory at Kankesanthurai is a relevant one. When it was a
relatively small factory meant for local production it made a positive
contribution to the economy of the area. However, a much larger factory
with a production level that enables it to export can become
detrimental to local interests, unless carefully managed. An elected
provincial council with devolved powers, and which represents the
people’s interests can be a counter-balance to centrally driven plans
that too often benefit those at the centre more than those on whose land
the project is based. It is in this context that the government’s
decision to hold the provincial council elections for the Northern
Province in September has been welcomed by those who see Sri Lanka’s
main challenge as being post-war reconciliation.
Beyond Ethnicity
The provincial council system of devolved government came as a result of
attempts to end the ethnic conflict through political means. However
the need for a system of government that is responsive to local level or
provincial needs goes beyond ethnicity. This point was brought out
most forcefully at a seminar on the Lessons learnt and Reconciliation
Commission that took place in Polonnaruwa last week. The participants
were a mix of senior civil society activists and more junior local level
government officials. In keeping with the experience in other parts of
the country where such discussions have taken place, the general
opinion was favorable to the LLRC recommendations.
But there was also a new and very harsh aspect in the Polonnaruwa
discussions that I have not encountered elsewhere.
People are generally moved emotionally when something affects them
personally. Nothing affects people more than matters of life and
death. This is why throughout the country there is gratitude to the
government for having brought the war to an end. Even if the cost of
living is much higher than it was during the war, and even if misuse of
government resources is also high, people still give thanks that they
can travel on the roads without fear of being blown up by a bomb or shot
at in an ambush or massacred in a storm trooper attack. The special
problem in Polonnaruwa that is not to be found in other parts of the
country is an issue of life and death to the people, and that is why the
discussion on the LLRC brought out emotion in its rawest form.
The high level of kidney related diseases and deaths arising from them
in the North Central Province in which Polonnaruwa is located has been
regularly featured in the media. But what is a distant news report to
most people, is an immediate tragedy to those who live there. Several
of the participants at the seminar who spoke up said that their next
door neighbours or relatives were suffering from kidney disease and had
either died or were at death’s door. One gave the example of a family
that had already lost two members and was in the process of losing a
third. The participants believed that the government had done little to
remedy the situation. There is possibly more than an iota of truth in
this complaint. Those who are distant decision makers in Colombo would
see the kidney disease problem as a distant one that does not call for
their immediate and prioritized attention. The priority concern of
decision makers in Colombo might be to get loans from abroad for big
infrastructure projects or ensuring the country’s sovereignty.
Valuing Devolution
The value of devolved government is that it permits local level problems
to be identified and decided by the local authorities. Those who are
elected representatives of the people in the provincial council will be
under more and closer scrutiny by their electors than those who are
central government decision makers. In Jaffna,
which is a Tamil majority area, the priorities of the people are not
being met by the government. The Jaffna people’s priorities, as
expressed in the seminar they attended on the LLRC in Jaffna, are to
find their missing ones and to get back their confiscated houses and
land. In Polonnaruwa, which is a Sinhalese majority area, the people’s
priorities are to ensure that those suffering from kidney disease are
looked after, and that the cause of the disease should be found. The
participants at the seminar made it clear that they held the government
responsible for creating the disease by distributing sub-standard
fertilizers and pesticides.
The question, however, is whether the provincial council to be elected
for the Northern Province will be able to succeed where the provincial
council elected for the North Central Province has
failed. One of the drawbacks of the provincial council system at this
time is that the party in power in the central government invariably
also captures power in the provincial councils. This is because the
voters are aware that the central government is the source of financial
and other resources which are utilized by the provincial councils. The
problem is that having the same political party ruling both at the
centre and the provincial levels is a recipe for the subordination of
the provincial council to the central government. On the other hand,
such a scenario is not likely to unfold in the case of the Northern
Provincial Council alone. This is because of the continuing ethnic
divide which will prompt the overwhelmingly Tamil majority voters of the
Northern Province to opt for a Tamil opposition party over the ruling
party at the centre.
The forthcoming provincial council elections in the North is therefore
going to be of great importance to the country, not only in terms of
empowering the ethnic minorities who live in the North, but also in
terms of showing the way to greater local level autonomy to the other
eight provincial councils, which are currently under total central
government control. By deciding to hold the provincial elections for
the Northern Province as promised, the government will also be sending a
positive message to the people of the North that it is keeping a
promise that it has made and can be trusted by the minorities. At the
same time an elected Tamil majority provincial administration created
through free and fair provincial elections would further increase the
level of trust in the democratic process and in the value of devolution
of power as part of the long awaited political solution. The most
hopeful vision is that the example of the Northern Provincial Council,
once it is elected, will also help to revitalise the provincial council
system by showing to the other provincial councils how they can better
protect and promote the interests of the people in each of their
provinces.

