A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, April 20, 2015
19A Defeats Govt’s Well Meaning RTI Law – Editorial, Sunday Times
On Tuesday, the new Government is optimistic that those parts of the
19th Amendment (19A) to the 1978 Constitution — cleared by the Supreme
Court — would be passed by a two-thirds majority in Parliament,
notwithstanding undercurrents of a spoiler by lawmakers unhappy with the
outcome of the January 8 Presidential election.
While there is general acceptance to whittling down the powers of the
Executive Presidency, the contentious issue is that electoral reforms
must also be passed at the same time. That is nothing but a ploy to
scuttle 19A. One of the progressive measures the new Government promised
and has taken meaningful steps in implementing is the long-felt need
for a Right to Information Law. International covenants encourage such a
law and modern democratic nations have embraced it in the pursuit of
good governance.
Sri Lanka might well have been the first to adopt such an RTI Law in
this part of the world, more than a decade ago, when the Ranil
Wickremesinghe government in its previous avatar put body and mind
behind this law only to see it being frustrated at the final post when
the then President, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, dissolved
Parliament prematurely just when the bill was about to be placed in the
Order Paper of Parliament. From being one of the first countries in
South Asia, Sri Lanka now has the dubious distinction of being –
probably – the last to bring in such a law. Probably, because there is
still the chance of Parliament being dissolved once again – this time on
the insistence of Premier Wickremesinghe himself, before the law is
passed.
For all those years between 2004 and 2015, neither the Kumaratunga
Government nor the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government was interested in
bringing in this law. The latter deliberately filibustered on the matter
when Opposition MPs tried to bring in this law even as a Private
Member’s bill. The regime promised to bring one of its own. The reasons
for this vacillation are patently clear – the Government wanted to hide
its secrets from the very people it claimed to work for.
In bringing the Right to Information Law, the new Government has gone
one step further — i.e. to enshrine the Right to Information as a
citizen’s constitutional right. One cannot ask for more from a
Government that proudly claims to have ‘Yahapalanaya’ (Good Governance)
as the backbone of its administration. This it has done by expanding the
Fundamental Rights chapter of the Constitution and widening the scope
of Article 14 which deals with Freedom of Expression.
Alas, by this noble deed, the Government has, inadvertently (as it
cannot be intentionally) defeated the very purpose for which it is
introducing the RTI Law. How so? It is by introducing into the proposed
19th Amendment (19A) words that wholly negate what the draft RTI Law
permits as Exceptions to the Right to Information. The 19A includes as
exceptions to a citizen’s Right to Information vague grounds such as
“for the protection of morals – and the reputation or the rights of
others,” the interpretations of which are so wide that persons wanting
to hide information, especially politicians in power, can easily take
cover behind these exceptions. These apart, outdated concepts like
Contempt of Court, Parliamentary Privilege and other restrictions have
been included in these exceptions. It is clear that the drafters of the
19A have taken the constitutional restrictions applicable to Freedom of
Expression in the 1978 Constitution and merely done a cut-and-paste job
to slot them into the 19A and impose them wholesale in regard to the
proposed constitutional provision that makes Right to Information a
constitutional guarantee of each citizen. Some say it is the Attorney
General who has done so, probably as an abundance of caution.
The progressive nature of the new Government has been defeated by this
if it is merely to go way back to the 1978 Constitution. The democratic
world has moved on in the past 35 plus years and the Wickremesinghe
Government knows that only too well. By dusting and re-introducing these
regressive, retrograde constitutional provisions, the carefully drafted
proposed subsidiary Right to Information Law becomes virtually
meaningless.
Some of these exceptions were not included even a decade ago when the
Prime Minister himself presided over the committee overseeing the draft
RTI Bill (of 2004) together with the then Attorney General and others.
Yes, there must be provisions for the protection of the interest of the
administration of justice and even the rights of MPs, but not by
bringing in sweeping cover through Contempt of Court (for which there is
a separate demand asking for a law on Contempt of Court) and
Parliamentary Privilege. (Please see a more detailed analysis in the
‘Focus on Rights’ by our Legal columnist Kishali Pinto Jayawardena).
A modern Constitutional Right to Information Law should not contain
outdated restrictions but should be based on the modern principle of
maximum disclosure as informed public opinion is the most potent of all
restraints upon misgovernment and an open information regime – a
principle this Government and almost all its partners have accepted as a
bulwark against runaway autocracy.
Amendments to the Right to Information provision in the 19A, therefore,
need another look even at this late hour if the RTI Law that is to
follow is not to become not even worth the paper it is printed on
instead of being one of the revolutionary and significant pieces of
legislation this new Government would introduce.

