A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, April 21, 2015
Left needs life
Editorial-April 20, 2015, 8:08 pm
A founder member, close associate of Rohana Wijeweera and only JVP
politburo member to escape a savage counter-terror campaign in 1989,
Amerasinghe represented an ideological link between the party’s
revolutionary past and democratic present. He was instrumental in
reviving the party from scratch following a brutal crackdown in 1989. He
is a relic from a bygone era and symbol of discarded shibboleth in the
eyes of those averse to ultra radical politics. But, his influence on
the revolutionary core of the JVP is far from diminished.
Amerasinghe is reported to have flayed the present JVP leadership for
having deviated from what he calls the Marxist path. The question is
whether the JVP has been a Marxist party in the real sense of the term
though it flaunts a socialist agenda. In 1971, it made an abortive
attempt to overthrow a democratically elected government purportedly to
install a Marxist regime, but its second uprising was anything but a
socialist struggle; its reign of terror was characterised by mindless
violence. In fact, the JVP’s survival as a mainstream party all these
decades without being reduced to a political creeper has been possible
because it is not an orthodox Marxist outfit.
The JVP has suffered splits from time to time with some of the dyed-in
the-wool Marxists within its ranks leaving in a huff. The breakaway of
some of its Bolshevik activists including student leaders to form the
Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) is a case in point.
Splits usually occur when an ultra radical outfit remains in democratic
politics over a long period of time. For, it loses its revolutionary
fervour and appeal to the youth. Time was when the JVP could attract
young blood through student activism, but today it has lost its grip on
the student movement which is controlled by its offshoot, the FSP.
It is being asked in political circles whether Amerasinghe’s exit will
have a crippling effect on the JVP. The outfit’s chips may be down at
present, but it is still strong enough to absorb the shock, we reckon.
Some of the old guard may not be well disposed towards the changes in
the party since the election of a new leader, but they are not likely to
side with their former leader en bloc.
There are certain things that men in their seventies should refrain
from—marrying young women and forming new political parties are some of
them. Amerasinghe is not likely to succeed in his endeavour. But, his
exit is sure to have a demoralizing effect on the JVP’s rank and file in
the short term; it is like a chief priest disrobing!
The JVP is at a crossroads. If it is to forge ahead as a strong
democratic political force it has to change and evolve as a really
mass-based party. Else, it runs the risk of going the same way as the
old left.

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