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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, July 31, 2015
Defending Religion From Itself

There is a growing threat to religious freedom around the globe. In an
earlier era, the greatest hostility to faith came from secular
autocracies or totalitarian regimes. But that has changed. Today, the
most active persecutors of religious minorities and dissenters are
religious extremists. In this still-young century, the world has
witnessed a sharp rise in the number of extremist groups who attack the
religious “other” for perceived transgressions.
No longer are states the sole perpetrator of abuses, as was the case
during the Cold War. In the Middle East, the Islamic State has become
the chief exemplar of a terrorist organization espousing a vile,
religiously inspired ideology that despises diversity of thought and
belief. Its genocidal attacks on the Yazidis almost one year ago and the
choice “convert or die” it offers to Christians (also documented in a
recent and much-discussed article in the New York Times)
are gruesome evidence of its intentions. But Muslims aren’t safe,
either. Shiite Muslims or dissenting Sunnis can also find themselves
facing death sentences.
The Middle East is not the only region grappling with this new trend. In
South Asia, the Taliban (in both its Afghan and Pakistani versions)
have struck at Christians and other non-Muslims, while also viciously
attacking other Islamic sects for being the “wrong” kind of Muslim. In
Burma, the 969 movement of
radical Buddhist monks has incited mob attacks against Rohingya
Muslims. And these extremist monks are following the same agenda as
like-minded Buddhist extremists in Sri Lanka, who have targeted
Christians and Muslims in that small island nation.
In Africa, too, violent religious extremism can be found in a growing
number of countries. The terrorist organization Boko Haram has assaulted
bothchurches and mosques who
speak out against its ideology and attacks. In the Central African
Republic, religiously affiliated militias have been responsible for mass
violence in Christian and Muslim communities. Extremists in various
other parts of the continent have announced the founding of Islamic
State franchises.
This new reality presents a vexing challenge to the international
community and its commitment to human rights and religious freedom.
These groups are often outside the reach of normal diplomatic channels.
They don’t care what the world thinks, as they are actively trying to
upend the international order.
In response, governments need to develop fresh approaches. There is no
single recipe for fighting religious bigotry. Violent religious
extremism grows out of many factors and is often situation-specific. So
the response must be flexible, comprehensive, and coordinated,
not fragmented across different bureaus and agencies. The United States
Commission on International Religious Freedom (of which I am director of
policy and research) proposed aseries of changes to
U.S. law and policy last year that would better position the United
States to engage on these issues. The Commission’s recommendations
include expanding the “country of particular concern” designation of
worst religious-freedom violators to include failed states and nonstate
actors, increasing funding for fieldwork grants, and including messaging
on the importance of religious freedom and tolerance in strategic
communications programs.
Concerns about religious freedom are interwoven with many of the
greatest foreign-policy challenges facing the United States. President
Barack Obama recognized this in his speech at the Countering Violent
Extremism summit in February, noting that
genuine democracy and political stability require “freedom of religion —
because when people are free to practice their faith as they choose, it
helps hold diverse societies together.”
Better incorporating promotion of freedom of religion into American
efforts to confront ISIS and others extremists can enhance efforts to
fight terrorism. Religious freedom is ultimately about freedom of
thought — the right of individuals to believe what they want and to act
on those beliefs in peaceful and noncoercive ways. Environments that
support religious freedom are therefore better positioned to reject
violent ideologies. Religious freedom is certainly not a cure-all. But
it can make counter-terrorism efforts more durable by protecting civic
space for diversity of thought and belief.
But this cannot be the United States’ fight alone. The challenges are
transnational, with extremist groups linked across borders through
ideology and criminality. To respond effectively, countries that value
diversity of thought and belief must, too, work in coalition. Already
there are multinational efforts against extremism and terrorism, such as
the Global Counterterrorism Forum. But other efforts are
under way to build coalitions of like-minded governments to advance
freedom of religion. A network of legislators from around the world has
leveraged the political capital of its individual members to protect religious freedom in places like Pakistan, Burma, and Indonesia. The European Union’s new human rights action planplaces
a greater emphasis on promoting religious freedom and protecting
religious minorities, more tightly focusing the 28-nation union on this
issue.
And while the United States and other governments need new proactive
policies, they must also discourage bad policies by partner governments
that fuel extremism. Separate studies by the Pew Forum on Religion and
Public Life have shown that, while the world is overwhelmingly religious, government restrictions on the free practice of religion are increasing.
This is a recipe for increased violations and instability. In many
places, heavy-handed government responses have made martyrs out of
extremists and created grievances that fuel insurgencies. The recently
released State Department country reports on terrorism noted this
dynamic, especially in reference to several
Central Asian states. To name but one example, the report on Tajikistan
underscored the “negative impact on religious freedoms” of the
government’s efforts to stem violent religious extremism, such as
banning women and minors from attending mosques. These abuses can
trigger violent reactions. In 2010, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistankilled 25 Tajik soldiers in response to the country’s oppressive religion law, which limits the free practice of Islam.
Extremist groups can also find inspiration from regressive laws in the
nations where they operate. Take the example of blasphemy laws. When
such laws are on the books, extremists often feel emboldened to enforce
them through their own rough justice. In Pakistan, which leads the world in
the number of people jailed for this so-called “crime,” the blasphemy
law has fueled extremist violence against human rights defenders and has
instigated mob attacks against Christians and Ahmadi Muslims.In an
ironic twist, blasphemy laws empower the very extremists governments
claim to be fighting against.
Religious extremists are killing religious minorities and dissenting
members of their own faith, and they represent a clear and present
danger to diversity of thought and belief. These violent groups will,
for the foreseeable future, present a major challenge to the United
States and its allies for reasons of national security, humanitarian
concerns, and human rights. To be sure, secular authoritarian regimes
like North Korea and Eritrea will continue their abusive ways, and the
United States and the international community should redouble their
efforts to press for authoritarian regimes to reform. But the rise of
violent religious extremism requires a new approach — one where
governments recognize the problem, pivot quickly, and work in concert to
meet this challenge.

