A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, November 1, 2015

By Izeth Hussain-October 30, 2015
With his article in The Island of October 27 on addressing Muslim issues
through the Geneva process, Jehan Perera has put himself in the company
of two other Sinhalese towards whom most Muslims would feel that they
owe a debt of gratitude. The other two are Lorna Devaraj and Mervyn de
Silva. I must also express my sense of gratitude, as a Muslim, to the
Friday Forum for their admirable statement of October 28 on the
continuing plight of the Muslim refugees. But before proceeding with the
subject proper of this article I must make an observation on a matter
of the greatest importance that has been touched on in JP’s article.
In a Sri Lanka that has been rent apart by racism, one of the most
important questions that we have to confront is this: how do we make the
racists desist from their idiocies and brutalities? An appeal to
religious principles will not suffice. A religion serves two purposes:
one is to put human beings in relation to the transcendental and the
other is to strength social bonds. The latter purpose has been
predominant in Sri Lanka where we have transformed the four great world
religions into tribal religions. An appeal to ethical principles won’t
do either because an ethical system without religious underpinnings may
or may not have compulsive force. I believe that the only effective
appeal to the racist is to his self-interest. The argument is that the
treatment of the Other as sub-human will destroy the moral sense and
that will impact adversely on intra-ethnic relations as well. Jehan P
provides a very convincing example that substantiates my argument. Five
years after the mass expulsion of the Muslims in 1990 the LTTE ordered
the evacuation of Tamils of the Jaffna peninsula so that they would not
be under the heel of the invading Sinhalese army. When man’s inhumanity
to man really gets going, ethnic boundaries cease to matter.
It is an astounding fact that the plight of the Muslim refugees has been
virtually ignored for as long as twenty five years; all the more
astounding considering all the attention lavished on the plight of the
Tamils both domestically and internationally. What is the explanation? I
think the blame has to be cast on both the Sinhalese and the Muslims –
in my view far more on the Muslims. From 1976 to around 2002 there were
anti-Muslim ructions practically every year, sometimes trivial and
sometimes of a very serious order such as the Hulftsdorp riots of
December 1993. I covered many of them in my writings from 1990 to 1994
and from 1998 to 2002. In every case without exception there was no
fighting , only rioting in which the Muslims were always the victims.
But in every case the media refused to acknowledge the ethnic aspect of
the riots, insisting that they were no more than fracas between thugs
which somehow ignited wider incidents. As for the Government, it failed
to take the kind of punitive action that would have deterred further
riots.
After 2002 the pattern of annual rioting ceased, for reasons that have
not been established. It might have seemed that I had been fussy in
alleging racism. There followed the Grease Yaka episodes with Muslim
females being harassed with virtual impunity, and thereafter there was
the abduction of Muslim businessmen for ransom with the Government doing
nothing about it. And then the anti-Muslim campaign of the BBS erupted
in force and fury, making it impossible to deny that anti-Muslim racism
was a real force in a segment of the Sinhalese people. Furthermore it
was obvious that the then Government was complicit with the BBS, as
shown outrageously by the fact that BBS leaders were placed above the
law. It could no longer be denied that anti-Muslim racism had become a
significant factor in our politics: it played a crucial role in the
downfall of the Rajapaksa regime. But it was not only the government
that was anti-Muslim. This is what Jehan Perera writes: "Nevertheless,
the unwillingness of the political parties to speak up and make a
critique of the anti-Muslim propaganda at that time was an indication of
the failure of post-war reconciliation". Understandably the Muslim
refugees continued to be ignored.
Arguably the state’s attitude to the Muslims might more aptly be
regarded as one of benign neglect rather than one of active racism. The
Tamils, whom the Sinhalese saw as over-assertive, had to be pushed down,
but the Muslims who have been among the most submissive minorities in
the world, could safely be allowed to rot in peace. Therefore there was
no action on the anti-Muslim rioting, the Grease Yaka harassment, the
abductions of Muslim businessmen, and horrendously not even on the BBS
campaign, and of course hardly any or none on the Muslim refugees.
Behind it all were certain important factors. There was not even an
attempt at building a multi-ethnic nation because the Sinhalese power
elite was satisfied with the position that the Sri Lankan nation had
already been in existence down the millennia, the Sinhalese nation.
Racism has to be integral to that belief. Another important factor is
that the hundred years of peace preceding 1948 bred complacency and
irresponsibility in the Sinhalese power elite, and that still continues.
If it is correct that the plight of the refugees is due not so much to
racism as to benign neglect, the question prompts itself whether the
major responsibility for the plight of the refugees has to be borne by
the Muslims themselves. The failure of the Muslim politicians to speak
up for the refugees is horrifying. It is a characteristic failure
because for decades the Muslim politicians have been bent on serving
their Sinhalese masters rather than the Muslim people. However we
Muslims must acknowledge a collective failure in having virtually
ignored the refugees for a quarter century, a failure that must be seen
as a dereliction of Islamic duty. But changes are taking place in the
Muslim community, a sign of which are the admirably outspoken articles
on the refugees by Lathif Farook and the superb article by Hilmy Ahmed
which appeared a few days ago.
Jehan Perera has recommended that certain institutions being set up by
the Government as part of the Geneva process be used to deal with the
problem of the refugees. There can be no objection to that. But if the
principle is fair play for all, what about the driving out of EP Tamils
from around sixteen villages by Muslim Homeguards? That too must be
investigated and restitutions be made. And what about the Tamil
provocations that led to all that? The process must apply to that as
well. It becomes arguable that what we are suggesting will aggravate
problems between Tamils and Muslims. They certainly could, but what is
the alternative? If problems won’t go away, we have no alternative to
confronting them. The reason why the problems won’t go away is best
understood within a paradigm of racism. With mass education aspirations
to upward mobility grow, with economic development upward mobility
becomes possible for more and more people, and those processes can lead
to ethnic rivalry and conflict. We are caught in the toils of modernity,
and there is no way of evading them.
izethhussain@gmail.com
