A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, May 30, 2016
In the Aftermath of Floods: Reflections on Flood Aid and Youth-led Mobilization in Colombo
NETHRA SAMARAWICKREMA on 05/27/2016
Last weekend was Vesak, but the streets of Colombo were
uncharacteristically quiet. In place of the usual crowds pouring out
onto the streets to view the lanterns, and the rambunctious dansals
distributing food to passers by, a sombre mood settled across the city.
Over the past week, Sri Lanka was hit by the worst floods since the 2004
Tsunami. No one had been prepared for the rains, which came at the
heels of a heat wave that parched the earth, dried up the rivers and
tributaries, and left Sri Lankans across the country sticky, sweaty, and
disgruntled. Just ten days ago, most conversations I had begun with
people complaining about the heat: අම්මෝ පුදුම රස්නෙයි! ஐயோ! சரியான
சூடு! When the skies finally opened up, many of us welcomed the rains
with open arms. After months, the heat finally abated. Everything was
green and glowing. I too drank in the rain-soaked breeze that wafted
through the windows with delight. None of us imagined that this
long-awaited monsoon was in fact, a devastating cyclone that was
traversing the Bay of Bengal.
The torrential rain left in its wake, floods and landslides that the
Disaster Management Center estimates affected 427,918 people, displaced
319,000, killed 104 and rendered 99 missing. While startling, these
numbers don’t begin to describe the devastation: Three villages were
buried under landslides in Aranayake. In Colombo, as the waters of the
Kelani swelled and overflowed, suburban neighborhoods and informal
settlements along the river were inundated, and in some cases,
completely submerged, with only the rooftops of homes exposed. Many of
Colombo’s low-lying suburbs became hard to access, leaving communities
cut off from access to essential items for days. On Sunday May 22nd,
even as the rains finally subsided, around 500 people remained marooned
on an island that formed in Kanuketiya, Malwana, only accessible by
boat.
As the depth of the devastation became evident, it drew a remarkable
public response. At train stations, scores of people heading to work
gave away their lunch packets to be distributed to the flood-affected
suburbs. Supermarket shelves carrying water bottles and dry rations
rapidly emptied, all purchased hastily for donations. Religious sites
such as churches, temples and mosques housed displaced people and became
key centers of relief work, sometimes working with each other to
collect and distribute dry rations, as the Galle Muslim Cultural
Association and the Sri Sudharmalaya Temple did over the weekend. While
we saw a similar response in the aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami, what was
different this time was the alacrity and inventiveness of the island’s
youth in harnessing their social networks and popular services to
organize.
PickMe,
Sri Lanka’s homegrown alternative to Uber, inserted a flood relief
button on its App, and its three wheelers showed up at users’ doorsteps
to ferry donations to flood relief centers at no cost. A popular site of
e-commerce, Takas.lk,
enabled people to buy flood-relief items online and dispatched their
trucks to flood-affected areas. Some of the most swift, efficient and
robust relief efforts came from the twitter-savvy generation that sprung
into action, coordinating relief work through Facebook and WhatsApp
groups, sending updates and collecting relief through twitter
hashtags. Requests have been pouring into these online forums and
groups—for jeeps and trucks to deliver goods, for boats to support
rescue operations, for medicine, for volunteers to pack and
deliver—sometimes to be answered within minutes. Much of this
communication has been taking place in Sinhala and Tamil; this
utilization of social media for flood relief efforts has not, by any
means, been limited to Colombo’s English-speaking hipsters.
As an anthropologist, I have long been skeptical of the politics of aid
distribution, especially by aid agencies and state bureaucracies.
Humanitarian missions often harness discourses of disaster and
catastrophe to mobilize support, yet underneath the glossy posters of
third-world women and children “waiting” to be saved, lie a darker set
of power-relations of race, class, and privilege that separate those who
give and those who receive. Moreover, with the rise of entire
institutions that subsist on catastrophe, on being the collectors and
distributers of aid, a large proportion of relief funds become absorbed
into sustaining these institutions as well as their experts who rush to
devise solutions with little understanding of the needs and social
dynamics of the communities they service. As we saw in Sri Lanka’s
Tsunami reconstruction efforts, such haphazard solutions produced scores
of uninhabitable homes as well as new problems related to land, gender,
and ethnic and religious relations caused by aid providers’ lack of
attentiveness to people’s needs and social structures.
Carrying all these reservations, I still decided to try volunteering
with several groups. I stuck with one that most appealed to me: a
collective made up of several youth organizations that came together
under the hashtag #FloodReliefLKA.
Operating out of the JCI Secretariat, they organized through social
media, collecting information about specific needs of different
communities from state officials, camps housing displaced persons, other
volunteers, and members of affected neighborhoods.
As information streamed in, the organizers got on their phones and
laptops, tapped into their networks, posted on Facebook, Twitter, and
WhatsApp groups to collect whatever was requested as fast as
possible—dry rations, cooked food, medicine, milk powder, cleaning
supplies and more. As word got out, volunteers streamed in, as did
people carrying bag loads of donations. These were recorded, sorted and
stored in a large community hall. At any given point, the hall was full
of volunteers, willing to do whatever was needed at hand. Most people
had never met before. On the first day, while preparing 100 packages of
dry rations, I knelt in front of a row of hastily arranged piles of
water, rice, dhal, and biscuits, stuffing them into bags as fast as I
could. By the time I sealed my fifth bag and looked up, all 100 had been
packaged, ready to be passed along a chain of people standing in line
to load them onto trucks heading to Kaduwela. All this, within minutes.
“The sheer power of numbers,” I thought, marveling also at the speed at
which things could get done when needed in Sri Lanka, where everyone
complains about heel dragging and inefficiency.
Over the next three days, it became clear to me that there was something
different here to the humanitarian efforts I have come to be so
skeptical of. For one, this collective was run on a purely voluntary
basis—there were no overhead costs, no salaries to pay, no rent or
transportation costs, as everything from the trucks and jeeps to the
pens and paper used were offered by those who came to help. All the
funds donated were spent on buying items as needed. There was no
bureaucracy to deal with—just 6-10 young women and men with laptops and
notebooks, checking in with each other to make decisions, calling out
whatever they needed and asking people to sign up. I was struck by the
willingness of volunteers to show up and do what was required,
regardless of how mundane or arduous it was. Some took inventories.
Others sorted clothes. Those who had vehicles ferried goods across the
city. In places harder to access, volunteers took boats or walked, such
as two engineering students from Moratuwa University who waded neck-deep
in contaminated water to get dry rations across to families in homes
inaccessible by trucks. While few openly discussed it, many people
noticed and later wrote posts about how a diverse and polyglot mix of
volunteers worked on flood relief together. No one refused to deliver
aid to places of worship that they wouldn’t pray in, or chose suppliers
to buy relief items based on their last names—all decisions people make
on a daily basis in Colombo, where encounters across ethnic, religious
and class lines are a part of everyday life, as is the suspicion,
distrust, and fear of others that deeply divide our city. Alongside
this, the greatest strength of the collective was, perhaps, their
willingness to stop and critically think about what they were doing, and
to listen to what people who were affected by floods wanted. After
several days, upon realizing how complicated, thorny, and sensitive the
work of relief distribution was, the organizers stopped work and sent
volunteers to harder to access suburbs to talk to people and figure out
what their immediate needs were. Later that evening, we all sat down and
discussed what we found, made priority maps for each area, and got back
online, trying to harness donations for as many requests as we could.
As I write, we are still trying to meet those requirements.
What I witnessed at #FloodreliefLKA was a network of temporary alliances
that formed, stringing together young people across Colombo to respond
to the devastation unfolding before our eyes. As we have seen in Sri
Lanka and beyond, spaces of empathy and solidarity often open up in the
first flush of a disaster; yet, sustaining the openness and
collaborative spirit that emerges in such moments is much harder when
aid provision becomes bureaucratized, publicized, and turned into
revenue-generating enterprises. Already, we are seeing a host of
advertisements for micro-finance provisions for flood victims, and
self-congratulatory messages about flood aid collected and distributed
by media outlets turning their relief efforts into promotional
campaigns. Furthermore, as the Tsunami starkly showed in 2004, aid
reaches communities unevenly. While accessible areas in Colombo’s
suburbs and sites such as Aranayake have seen a surplus of aid, we have
heard little about aid provision to the North or to communities less
accessible from the centers of operation in Colombo. It is critical to
keep in mind that unless concerted efforts are made to attend to
power-relations of locality and geography, in the process of relief
provision and reconstruction, existing hierarchies of ethnicity, class,
caste, and gender can become reinforced. Yet, as the waters recede and
the dust settles, there is something worth holding onto in the spaces
and possibilities for collaboration that emerged, albeit briefly, in the
early days of the floods.



