A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, May 8, 2016
The ‘Emperor’ on logs:the murky business of making cars out of imported used parts

by Rajan Philips-May 7, 2016, 8:26 pm
The court motions were reported in last week’s Sunday Island, and I
found the news report to be possessed of real public interest in
contrast to the political fuss that was going on about measuring whose
May Day was bigger! The last word on the size of meetings and the
substance of speeches fittingly belongs to Dr. Colvin R de Silva whom I
once heard perorate at a New Town Hall meeting: "the size of an audience
has never affected the substance of my speech or the manner of its
delivery." Where substance gets lacking size becomes the main political
prop, and crowd size seems to have become the mainstay of the Rajapaksa
loyalists. Yet, for all their predictions and assertions the Rajapaksa,
rather the Joint Opposition (with due disregard to the disgraced former
Media Secretary) rally is said to have been much smaller than the show
put up by the UNP, and also a little smaller than the SLFP’s
‘decentralized’ Provincial May Day rally in Galle. That said, good sized
political rallies are not going to help the Sirisena-Wickremasinghe
government positively differentiate itself from its Rajapaksa
predecessor. People are looking for real differences in government
actions and in results. Specifically, in the context of the Emperor
fiasco, what action is the government going to take and what result is
it planning to achieve?
The Emperor question: To register or not to register
The Emperor saga begins in April 2002, when the Board of Investment gave
approval to Vehicles Lanka (Private) Limited to make cars out of
imported used car parts purportedly from Japan. Some news reports called
it a Sri Lanka-Japan joint venture, although there was no
inter-governmental involvement and I have not come across references to
any specific Japanese partner. The business was described as a Rs. 500
million venture, located in Panagoda, Homagama. Later it has transpired
that the vehicles were assembled in the company’s factory in
Minuwangoda. But before any assembly could begin, the BOI recanted and
then reversed its recantation on the approval it had given.
There was understandably furious opposition from the Brahmins of car
imports, the venerable Ceylon Motor Traders Association (CMTA). The
Association threatened legal action against the upstart new kid in car
business. Allegations were made and denied about "budded vehicles" (used
cars brought in two halves, welded and sold), the safety of car users
and other road users, and negative environmental effects. In July 2002,
three months after the first BOI approval, CMTA lawyers wrote to the
then BOI Director General and Chairman, and got no reply. They then
wrote to the Minister of Enterprise Development, Industrial Policy and
Investment Promotion (long winded as usual), and managed to get a
statement from the Ministry Secretary raising questions and concerns
about the Emperor business. Apparently based on that statement and other
representations, the Investor Facilitation Committee directed the
cancellation of the BOI approval. This was in January, 2003, with
committee acting more in oversight than facilitating. Six months later,
on the 2nd of June, Vehicles Lanka, the makers of Emperor, went to the
Supreme Court as a matter of fundamental rights. Nine days later, on
June 11, 2003, the BOI reversed its revocation of the initial approval.
So the Emperor was re-approved. And the approval stands as of today is
the contention of Vehicles Lanka. But much oil, used or not, has spilled
between 2003 and the current court proceedings.
To give some context and faces – 2002 and 2003 were the years of the
short-lived but hyper-peace-active UNP government. The BOI chief at that
time was Arjuna Mahendran, now the Governor of the Central Bank. He was
characteristically charming in explaining the first BOI approval: "The
BOI wrote to the Transport Ministry for advice. But the Ministry
remained non-committal. So we went head and granted approval for the
project." Whether future Central Bank events were then casting their BOI
shadows, it’s not for me to say. And there were other faces. The
minister I referred to earlier was none other than GL Peiris, then
happily ensconced in the Wickremesinghe cabinet. And the Chair of the
Investor Facilitation Committee, that recommended the rescinding of the
BOI approval, was the redoubtable R. Paskeralingam.
That was also the period of uneasy cohabitation of an SLFP President and
a UNP Prime Minister. The cohabitation ended dramatically with the
President sacking three important UNP ministers in October, 2003, and
then sacking the whole government by dissolving parliament in April
2004. Inadvertently, President Kumaratunga set the stage for the
Rajapaksa presidency to take over Sri Lanka in November 2005. Amidst all
the political turmoil, the Emperor assemblage remained unborn. But it
was soon reborn and has been stuck in controversy ever since. The matter
went to courts again after the Commissioner General of Motor Traffic
stopped first, allowed and then stopped the registration of the
assembled vehicles. Even the Supreme Court ruling authorizing
registration has not been enough to change CGMT’s reluctance to allow
registration. The Rajapaksa cabinet, that included Law Professor GL
Peiris, took a curious decision and asked the Attorney General to review
the Supreme Court decision. Then country knows what happened when
matters were referred to the AG’s Department during the days of the
emperor. The lawyers for Vehicles Lanka are now arguing not only
contempt of court by the government but also illegality. Three judges of
the Supreme Court are set to begin full hearing on June 13, 2016.
To its credit, when the matter first came before it, the Supreme Court
appointed an independent Experts Committee – comprising representatives
from the Ministry of Finance, Customs, Environmental Authority and the
University of Moratuwa. While authorizing registration, the court also
directed Vehicles Lanka to start using only imported new parts within
three years. Curiously, or not so curiously, the BOI did not do anything
of the kind. There should have been a comprehensive technical and
policy review before approving a venture of this kind. And old habits
are continuing unabated. While the Emperor was being put on logs, the
BOI has been announcing other assembly ventures over the years. I have
come across four such announcements after 2008. The latest was the
announcement of the plan for a Volkswagen assembly plant in
Kuliyapitiya. It is not clear whether the assembly would involve used or
new parts from Germany. And more to follow, according to the BOI, from
Toyota and Nissan in Japan.
The Emperor story is an illustration of total government failure at
every step – from the first BOI approval to the current stalemate, and
spanning three different governments and as many Presidents and Prime
Ministers. The failure involves the intersection of several policy
areas, regulatory frameworks, conflicting interests, hapless
bureaucrats, and political appointees and their social connections. At
the apex of the mess is the cabinet of ministers, and crushed at the
bottom are the unsuspecting citizens who purchased the Emperor cars. Who
will give them redress? On the other hand, times are getting tough for
vehicle importers. Their Association has announced a six month
moratorium on imports due to the falling rupee and rising VAT. But the
BOI is merrily announcing more assemblies with imported parts. And the
political leaders are pre-occupied with measuring crowd sizes.
