A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, January 3, 2017
Logic of coalition politics as art of the possible will continue

By Jehan Perera-January 2, 2017, 8:18 pm
Former
President Mahinda Rajapaksa has predicted the collapse of the
government in the New Year and his return to power. He is demonstrating
the same tenacity that stood him in good stead during his long stint in
politics prior to rising to become the undisputed leader of the country.
He was kept down by his party leaders but prevailed in the end. After
his unexpected defeat at the presidential election of January 2015 that
he called prematurely he has been tenaciously struggling to stage a
political come back to the centre stage of power. Together with his
supporters in the Joint Opposition he has been able to demonstrate mass
support among a section of the people on numerous occasions but so far
has been unable to convert that into real power.
The former president is likely to continue to face this problem of being
unable to convert mass support into political power so long as
President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickemesinghe
continue to engage in coalition politics. Together they are able to
muster a 2/3 majority in parliament. This was seen as recently as last
month when the budget was approved at all stages by a 2/3 majority.
Power lies in the control of government. The stability and strength of
the government lies in the continued willingness of the president and
prime minister to work together in the realization that each needs the
other’s support to continue to stay in power until the next general
elections which are three years away.
The understanding that the president and prime minister have about the
need to work together is not necessarily shared by senior members of
their political parties who have a shorter time frame than they. It is
likely that many members of the UNP and SLFP prefer to govern the
country by themselves rather than sharing power with each other. They
would focus on the fact that they will have more resources to themselves
if they govern alone. It will also speed up the decision making process
which be slow in a coalition government. The desire of each party to
govern alone can be seen in the statements and outbursts that
periodically emanate from the members of the two parties about each
other. It is these outbursts that create an impression of governmental
instability that the former president is focusing upon.
THREE REALITIES
There are three realities of coalition politics. The first is that
decision making will be contested and will therefore be slow. The UNP
and SLFP have two different political philosophies. One is more
pro-business and internationalist while the other is more
redistributionist and nationalist. The president and prime minister
represent these two value systems which would be in opposition to each
other in normal circumstances. What makes their combination effective is
that decisions that are eventually made will tend to include concerns
from both ends of the political spectrum and hence will have a greater
degree of political acceptability. Examples of this would be the
tensions that prevailed but which yielded sustainable outcomes in the
passage of the 19th Amendment to the constitution which kept the
presidency intact and the change of Governor of the Central Bank in the
aftermath of the bond scandal.
The second feature of coalition politics is the need to share power.
This can be seen in the preliminary rejection of the Development
(Special Provisions) Bill which had been approved by the cabinet of
minister. The purpose of this law is to make it easier for investors to
start economic projects. At the present time investors have to go to
many different government agencies to get approvals to start their
projects. They might have to get approvals from the local government
authority in the area in which the project is to be located, the Board
of Investment and the Central Environmental Authority and many others
besides. Getting all these approvals can be a time consuming and
frustrating process. The new law seeks to set up a one-stop process to
minimize delays. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe has said the Development
(Special Provisions) Bill is aimed at accelerating the country’s
development to meet the expectations of the public.
However, SLFP members have said they would oppose the government’s
efforts to create a super ministry, which they allege would vest
concentrated powers in a single minister. They fear that it would usurp
the powers of cabinet ministers under whose purview various regulatory
agencies of the state come under, as well as the provincial councils.
The SLFP controlled provincial councils have vetoed the new law. A one
stop process is important for the country’s development, and many other
countries have adopted it to facilitate investments that create jobs and
wealth. In this situation the way forward would be for the government
to ensure that both UNP and SLFP members share decision making power in
the one stop process.
POSTPONE COMPETITION
The third feature of coalition politics is to postpone the competition
between them. This accounts for the repeated postponement of local
government elections. These elections have now been postponed for nearly
two years. Various technical reasons are given. However, the political
reality is that the SLFP in particular would not like to go to the polls
where they would have to compete against the Joint Opposition in which
many of their members are active and to which the former president is
giving leadership. The SLFP’s reluctance to go to the polls also suits
the UNP at this time. As the party that is in effective charge of the
government, the UNP is shouldering the responsibility for putting the
country’s economy into shape after it was weighed down by the heavy debt
repayments incurred by the former government. The coming year will be
one in which the government will wish to consolidate its economic
programme, which will be the most important determinant of whether it
can obtain the continued electoral support of the electorate.
In this context, it is unlikely that the government will need to decide
whether or not to hold a referendum on constitutional change. Minister
of National Languages and Co-existence, Mano Ganesan has warned that a
referendum on a new constitution cannot be easily won. The Minister
emphasized that the government should first and foremost be safeguarded.
He has highlighted that the constitutional amendments were needed to be
set forth so as they would not be rejected in a Referendum. "We have to
make an effort for a while to avoid a Referendum. My view is that if we
go for a Referendum, we must be ready to win. For that, instead of a
completely new Constitution, we have to think of amendments to key
areas," the Minister stated. He said that the extremist elements would
vehemently protest the power devolution proposals, including the police
and land powers, recommended by the subcommittee on centre-periphery
relations.
The more likely scenario in 2017 therefore will be one of changing the
constitution to the extent possible utilizing the coalition government’s
2/3 majority in parliament but without going in for a referendum. This
is the model followed by Colombia to consolidate its peace process
between the government and rebel FARC militants. The Colombian
government failed in October to win a referendum that sought the
approval of the people for the peace agreement, much to its own shock
and the shock of the international community which awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize to those who were architects of the peace agreement.
However, in December this peace agreement came into force by being
passed by parliament with a unanimous vote in favour. Two tenets of the
original agreement, a transitional justice system and a mechanism to
allow FARC leaders to participate in politics, were altered slightly in
response to concerns raised by political factions that campaigned
against the deal. As in Colombia, if this model is followed in Sri
Lanka, it does not necessarily mean that the changes made will be any
less far reaching or important. Politics, whether coalition or not,
remains the art of the possible.
