A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, September 21, 2018
It is difficult not to be exasperated by the constant bewailing of what
is wrong about the functioning of Government institutions by leaders of
the Government, no less.
Endless illusions of justice
But at this time, the feelings of bewilderment that assails law abiding
citizens in this land must probably be akin to what Alice felt when she
fell down the Rabbit Hole. As she ruminated during that fall; ‘how
curious… I never realized that rabbit holes were so dark . . . and so
long . . . and so empty’, we can only empathise with that emptiness when
dealing with endless illusions of justice, exhibited through a charade
of court appearances, startling media headlines proclaiming the imminent
arrest of this one or that one while systemic impunity continues with
nary a pause.
A case in point concerns the uneasily frequent outbursts of publically
displayed annoyance that President Maithripala Sirisena has seen fit to
engage in during the past month. It is conceded that a certain measure
of understanding is necessary in regard to the predicament that the
President finds himself in when messy financial scandals surrounding
state institutions erupt as a result of non-governance by the United
National Party side of the coalition. But this understanding has its
limits nonetheless.
A spluttering anti-corruption process
To be fair, the widely reported Presidential fury over inedible cashews
being served to him during a Sri Lankan flight some weeks ago was
manifested in the midst of addressing a farmers’ meeting in the deep
South and in the context of prioritizing local produce which has been a
staple of his policies. This context, together with the collateral fact
that the supplying of cashews to the national carrier had been given to a
foreign supplier rather than sourced domestically, was unfortunately
lost sight of by cartoonists and social media satirists engaging in
ridiculing this remark.
But other exhibitions of Presidential irritation are not so easily
explained away. So when the President warns public officials and
politicians not to take bribes and issues a dire threat that he knows
why certain projects are not being implemented, directing his focus to
the Gin-Nilwala project for example this week, the question arises as to
why this knowledge is not constructively directed to the authorities
who are statutorily mandated with investigating such allegations in
order that this becomes a matter of public record?
We have had Presidents in office before (Chandrika Kumaratunga was one
example) making similar proclamations but to little practical effect.
Where bribery and corruption is alleged against politicians in power and
sitting public officials, the legal process must be enabled to move
swiftly and efficiently rather than with spluttering hesitancy and
peppered by political pronouncements by the executive. This is what
characterizes the highly effective anti-corruption processes of Hong
Kong and Singapore for example.
The problem of arrests without charges
Meanwhile, there are far more ominous undertones in President Sirisena’s
ire directed this week at the Criminal Investigations Department and
the Attorney General’s Department reportedly for detaining senior
military officials without charges being filed against them or
statements being recorded from them. At the centre of this furore were
reports of the impending arrest of the country’s chief of defence staff.
The Presidential position taken is that these military officials
deserve to be treated fairly.
At its core, this argument is no doubt, meritorious. Sri Lankan law as
contained in the Constitution as well as statute and buttressed by the
well-established cursus curiae of the Supreme Court is that deprivation
of liberty must only be after due and proper investigation. As the
Court has peremptorily declared, no citizen can be ‘arrested on vague
suspicion in circumstances that shows a reckless disregard for his right
to personal liberty’ (per Amerasinghe J in Sirisena Cooray v
Chandrananda de Silva, 1997). This was a seminal precedent in
illustrating the important of the constitutional protection ‘elevated’
in Article 13(1) to the status of a fundamental principle, namely that
each person shall be informed of the reasons for arrest.
And as explained further by the Court, the giving of reasons does not
merely mean a citation of the provision under which a person is
arrested. Rather, it involves a proper investigations and objective
grounds for arrest. In fact, it was judicially observed that when the
relevant provision of the Indian Constitution were being discussed in
the Constituent Assembly, Dr. Ambedkar who was the ‘moving spirit’
behind the draft had explained to the Assembly on September 15, 1949
that this was being done because this right was one of the “most
fundamental principles which every civilized country follows”
Where is equal outrage in other cases?
That said, it must also be said however that this right attaches itself
to all citizens. No special privilege in this regard can be accorded to
military officers. So on this same reasoning, the scores of Tamil
civilians languishing in remand prison for years without charges being
served on them or the pitiful Sinhalese dock labourer who is shoved into
prison and tortured without any charges being served on him, are surely
deserving of the same Presidential outrage that is directed against
military officers who are arrested in similar circumstances. That is
what the Rule of Law is all about, stripped down to its bare minimum.
In sum, ensuring that fairness ensues to all citizens in equal measure
in criminal investigation and detention procedures is the basic duty of
the State. It will be well if this is kept in mind by the executive and
the legislative branches in this country. But in the dismal interim
thereto, we can only chant along with Alice as she plummeted through the
Rabbit Hole and muttered, ‘I must be getting somewhere near the center
of the earth. I wonder if I shall fall right through the earth! How
funny that would be. Oh, I think I see the bottom. Yes, I’m sure I see
the bottom. I shall hit the bottom, hit it very hard, and oh, how it
will hurt!’
Doubtless the time for Sri Lanka hitting ‘the bottom very hard’ is none
too distant. Certainly the hurt that this will inflict on the nation
will be unparalleled, even when assessed against its gritty history.

