The Vijayakala Vortex: Standing Up For A Tamil Woman In Sri Lankan Politics

By Chamindra Weerawardhana –SEPTEMBER 10, 201

Dr. Chamindra Weerawardhana

In an article published in the Colombo Telegraph on 6th July 2018, this writer wrote the following:

When writing about ethno-national politics in post-war Sri Lanka, this writer has constantly sought to highlight one point – that there is such a thing called Tamil nationalism. Tamil nationalism is a given, and whether some of us like it or not, it continues to exist and in some quarters thrive. A key component of reasonable steps towards reconciliation involves understanding and acknowledging the existence of stakeholders with colliding and opposed views.

Sri Lankans who are Tamil nationalists have the right to espouse their Tamil nationalism. However, it falls upon them [in the very same way it falls upon Sinhalese nationalists], to ensure that their nationalist discourse and actions do not drift into vicious cycles of extremism. We Sri Lankans have for many decades suffered due to such chauvinistic excesses. In 2018, it is definitely time to sit back, adopt a ‘live and let live’ approach, and share the collective responsibility of challenging and containing drifts towards extremism at all levels of Sri Lankan sociopolitical life.

Tamil nationalism is a given. It is an ideology that exists in many shapes and forms, and just like Sinhalese nationalism, Tamil nationalist advocacy takes place along a spectrum, from somewhat moderate, if not parliamentary-political, or a constitutional-nationalist position, a more robust form of regionalism and self-determinism and to a much harsher secessionist discourse. Since the end of the 30-year war in 2009, secessionist Tamil nationalism has been largely confined to Tamil diaspora circles in Southeast Asia and the West.

The fact that Tamil secessionism has no future in Sri Lanka is a geo-strategically proven reality. There is next to no inclination in international law to ‘separate’ and draw dividing lines in islands home to deeply divided socio-political backdrops. In the South Asian context, the national security concerns of the regional superpower, emerging Eastphalian forms of internationalism, the West’s alliance with India in facing up to rising China, the aversion to secessionism in the region at large are all reasons that should have enabled the LTTE to come to terms with the fact that their ‘separate state’ aspiration was thoroughly unrealistic. Their inability to understand this fact, or, to be precise, V. Pirapakaran’s inability to take stock of pressing strategic and geopolitical realities, and especially his unwillingness to take heed of the advice of a vice man, the late Dr Anton Balasingham [especially in the aftermath of the Oslo round of peace talks], were core reasons that led to his ultimate nemesis, along with his militant secessionist movement.

As Sri Lankans – and if we support a smart-patriotic Sri Lankan identity – there is a salient reality that needs to be understood  – that Sri Lankan citizens who so wish have every right to uphold Tamil nationalist perspectives. This is extremely important, especially in the context of post-war Sri Lanka.

Unsurprisingly, this is a reality that many Sri Lankans have been reluctant to admit during the first post-war decade. In our democracy, the right of each and every citizen to engage in political activity and mobilization is an inalienable right, and within the democratic sphere, that right must be guaranteed. Any shortage of such an inclusive policy risks causing threats to national sovereignty, national security and to the territorial integrity of the land. Tamil nationalism, whether some of us like it or not, continues to be an influential political discourse in post-war Sri Lanka. However, many people, especially Sinhalese people, tend to cling to the puerile fallacy that the end of the war signified the end of Tamil nationalism. Many people also harbour the impression that Tamil leaders should adopt a servile, subjugated stance, and avoid any evocation of issues such as federalism, regional autonomy, self-determination, linguistic justice, truth-seeking, and justice for missing persons. This is suggestive of a high level of ‘fragility’ within the ethnic majority, which is being exploited by Sinhala nationalist politicians [especially male politicians] for short-term political capital. There is a clear necessity to develop a Sinhalese mass movement against the deployment of an anti-minority discourse [if not a fear psychosis] to the narrow political advantage of a handful of Sinhalese politicians.

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