A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
(Full Story)
Search This Blog
Back to 500BC.
==========================
Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, January 22, 2019
International pressure continues to be important for Geneva commitments

By Jehan Perera-January 21, 2019, 9:07 pm
In
March this year Sri Lanka will report back to the UN Human Rights
Council on its implementation of Resolution No 30/1 which it
co-sponsored in October 2015. This is not going to be an easy session
for the country as there is a considerable amount of international
dissatisfaction with the slow pace of progress. This report back will be
important as it will determine whether or not international scrutiny of
the country on human rights issues will continue or come to an end.
However, during the past three and a half years the government has
implemented several of the commitments it made in terms of the
resolution it co-sponsored. These include establishing an office of
missing persons, legalizing the international conventions against
torture and enforced disappearances and returning military occupied land
to the civilian population.
The most damaging propaganda against the government is that it committed
the country to make unacceptable compromises to national sovereignty.
By co-sponsoring the UNHRC resolution the government gave the
international community the opportunity to formally scrutinize the
government’s implementation of its commitments. Some of these
commitments, such as to set up a judicial mechanism with the
participation of international judges and investigators to ensure
accountability in war crimes cases have been especially controversial.
Subsequently both the president and prime minister have been compelled
to make repeated public announcements that they will not permit such an
international presence.
Any decision on the part of the UNHRC to accept the final report of the
Sri Lankan government and close the chapter on the resolution will be a
significant political achievement for the government. With crucial
elections around the corner it will be able to show the electorate that
its strategy of co-sponsoring the resolution has not been damaging to
the country’s national interests or sovereignty. What it has implemented
so far has not been overly controversial in the country. What it has
not implemented are the controversial parts of the resolution. As a
result, one of the opposition’s main weapons against the government
would be denied to it.
FLEXIBLE APPROACH
So far the international community has shown flexibility towards the
government. In March 2017 at the request of the Sri Lankan government
the UNHRC adopted Resolution 34/1 that extended for a further two years
the monitoring mandate of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights,
with a request for a comprehensive report in March 2019. It is likely
that the next session of the UNHRC will give rise to criticisms that Sri
Lanka has still to make sufficient progress in implementing its
commitments. An international lobby group, the International Campaign
for Peace and Justice noted in March 2018 that out of 25 major
commitments, the government had made little or no progress on 17 of
them.
Considerable tracts of land still remain to be released. Prisoners held
without trial and under the Prevention of Terrorism Act still continue
to remain incarcerated. The PTA itself has not been replaced as promised
to meet with international standards. Only one of the four
reconciliation mechanisms, the office of missing persons, has been
established while three others remain to be set up. The government has
also to deliver on its promises to hold accountable those accused of
human rights violations and crimes outside of the battlefields, such as
journalists, and take them before the law.
Adding to this list of things to be done, is the limited progress made
by the government in implementing constitutional reform. Although the
government took much efforts to appoint a constitutional committee
consisting of all parliamentarians and set up various sub-committees, it
appears that the process of constitutional reform has got stuck. The
government has yet to formally state its own stance on the controversial
issues of devolution of power, the nature of the state and the place of
Buddhism. Instead there is a draft constitutional document which
appears to have no political party claiming ownership.
RENEW COMMITMENT
With presidential elections to be held before the end of the year, and
the possibility of provincial elections before it, it seems unlikely
that the government would be able to speed up the constitutional reform
process. The government has pledged to place a draft constitution before
parliament by February 4, which is Independence Day, but there is a
question whether the government will wish to take ownership of this
product and seek to push it through parliament and a referendum. This
seems unlikely with the government itself divided on the issue and with
the president not cooperating with the government.
Indeed, the government’s future is by no means assured. At the local
government elections held a year ago the government parties suffered a
resounding setback. The clash between the president and the government
has done nothing to improve the situation on the ground for the
government. In this context any significant implementation of UN
Resolution No 30/1 of October 2015 is unlikely by March deadline that
the government is expected to report against. With the opposition
denouncing the government’s co-sponsoring of the resolution right from
the beginning and denouncing it as a betrayal of the country, its
implementation will become even less likely in the event of a change of
government.
The commitments made in October 2015 are difficult ones for any
government, but they are necessary if there is to be justice in terms of
dealing with the past and in creating a better future for all in the
country. For the past three and half years, the strategy of the
international community has been to encourage the government to
implement the commitments it made in terms of UNHRC resolution 30/1. The
extension of the resolution by a further time period will enable the
international community to keep the issue of the resolution on the table
while giving whatever government is in power the time and space in
which to implement those commitments.
