A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, January 14, 2019
Staggering and scurrilous abuse
Each time, these attacks have been discomfiting, indicating the extent
to which the ancient law of privilege can be abused for partisan
political advantage. Even so and notwithstanding that unpleasant
history, this week’s attack on particular judges by a Rajapaksa
frontline supporter in the House on the basis that only judicial
officers of a ‘Christian’ persuasion are promoted and that favouritism
is shown to a selected few in the judicial service by the recommending
body (the Constitutional Council) is by far, the most staggering if not
scurrilous abuse that we have heard up to now.
It is direct intimidation of the judicial institution, once the
Rajapaksas’ favourite plaything when they brought a sitting Chief
Justice to Parliament to undergo a show impeachment, subjecting her to
vulgar cross-talk. The fact that such allegations are made unabashedly
and with a straight face says much for what Sri Lanka has become today, a
seething pot of racist, religious and communal hatreds as opportunistic
politicians stir the toxic brew with relish.
Far from learning from one’s mistakes and progressing to a better
standard of political engagement with the polity, the Rajapaksa camp
appears to be descending to unplumbed depths of disgraceful conduct.
Quite apart from levelling this allegation in respect of the promotion
of judges, the same reference was made to the selection of cricketers
(‘Argument in Parliament over ‘faith’ of judges.’, Daily Mirror,
11.01.2019). Is there nothing that will not be said in the desperation
to score political brownie points?
Foolish to ignore clear danger signals
Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa should call his venomous mouthpieces
to heel if he has a smidgen of political good sense left in him. While
frustration in the face of the humiliation that he suffered recently is
understandable, having to step down from a Prime Ministerial seat (which
he occupied like a thief in the night as cartoonists unmercifully
depicted), this is assuredly not the way to go about it. And if any
remain among thinking people in this country who would close their ears
and cover their eyes pretending to ignore the dangers of communal and
religious friction now being propagated, that would be very foolish
indeed.
The question becomes in truth as to why parliamentarians are allowed to
make such vituperative and wholly unsupported claims with impunity?
Codes of conduct for these characters will not go far to address the
issue. Let us not forget that these are the very same individuals who,
not long ago, sat on the Speaker’s Chair, poured water on it while
crudely insulting him and threw religious books, a copy of Erskine May
and chillie water into the eyes of policemen standing on guard.
This was possibly the point at which many Sri Lankans watching the
commotion aghast and open-mouthed, decided that enough was quite enough.
While there are many eminently good reasons to be disgusted with
parliamentarians on both sides of the House, that level of vulgarity
that we saw during those incidents on the part of Rajapaksa supporters
was, quite simply, unparalleled. The fact that those responsible later
apologised should not be the end of it. These apologies are not worth
their proverbial salt, much like a former Chief Justice once apologised
for a judgment that he had given exculpating former President Rajapaksa
of misappropriating tsunami funds.
Amendment of the privileges law?
Sri Lanka should look to revising what constitutes parliamentary
privilege which we inherited as a colonial legacy. Even if we retain
this idea of ‘privilege’ which has been drastically reduced in other
jurisdictions on the basis that parliamentarians do not merit special
favours, the law should incorporate the modern concept of parliamentary
duties. Rights must always be accompanied by duties. And
parliamentarians cannot be an exception thereof. The country’s original
Act (1953) has been amended on several occasions to afford more
privileges to members of parliament. This time around, amendments may
impose duties of good conduct and good behaviour. Merely having
elections that would bring the same disreputable characters back into
the House will not do.
But now let us come to the ‘black media’ frenzy. Protests held in front
of media houses by demonstrators clad in black and holding black banners
calling for the media to be independent some days ago resulted in
hysterical outbursts of ‘media intimidation’ by some electronic media
institutions. References by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to
‘black media’ is unfortunate, (nothing is ‘black’ or ‘white’ as the
Prime Minister himself should surely well know).
Nonetheless, there is singular hypocrisy in former President Rajapaksa
waxing eloquent on a free media when the highest levels of killings,
intimidation and threatening of journalists occurred under his
Presidency. As annual events take place to mourn Sinhala and Tamil
editors and journalists killed in the line of duty during past decades,
it is equally hypocritical that United National Party (UNP)
parliamentarians in the Government speak in hushed voices of the dead
while completely bypassing the duty to bring to justice, those
responsible for the atrocities.
Restraints on media as much as parliamentarians
It is of no use naming model villages after these journalists (as the
UNP’s Housing Minister announced a few days ago) if the law is not
worked properly to punish the perpetrators. While the reasons for moving
slow on these cases may be an open secret, let us have no humbug in
public. Yet sanctimonious humbug and politicians are so intertwined that
it is impossible to separate one from the other. This is the
inescapably ugly reality that we need to confront and call out on.
But to return to the protests which stirred up a media storm, there is
little question that, as much as parliamentarians need to be restrained
from abusing the privileges afforded to them, the media cannot take
cover under the label of ‘free media’ and espouse blatantly partisan and
communalistic coverage.
Certainly the media needs to operate within a legal and ethical
framework that is self-regulated but effectively so. In the alternative
and faced with media that has lost its credibility, the interest of the
public in ensuring that the media remains independent from state
regulations with all its inherent risks will fade, thereby paving the
way for state regulated media which can never be a good thing.
These are warnings that need to be taken to heart in all seriousness.

