A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, May 11, 2019
Harsh reality: What needs to be done

It is being argued that the government has not assigned top priority to
national security. The Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith
is also reported to have told the government, in no uncertain terms,
that he is utterly displeased with the security measures adopted since
the Easter Sunday attacks. The opponents of the government claimed that
this so-called ‘yahapalana’ government was brought into power with the
majority Muslim votes - is being kept in power with the continuous
support of Muslim parliamentarians and they need these Muslim votes even
for the forthcoming presidential and parliamentary elections as well.
Their contention is that there could be undue political interference in
the ongoing investigations into the incidents and in the current
security measures to appease the political leaders.
The Sri Lankan armed forces and their Intelligence services have proved
that they are quite capable of protecting the country. This is despite
many security lapses which we have observed due to undue political
interference, especially in the communication channels disseminating
classified ‘national security’ information to the relevant authorities
and on-going investigations. The Cardinal has proved that he is a much
better leader than the self-proclaimed ones.
Since we are faced with a very complex situation, one could argue that
finding a lasting solution is an exceedingly difficult task. My own view
is that we need to adopt a more professional, strategic management
approach in order to bring back an effective and efficient government
model. As we have experienced earlier, the defeat of LTTE terrorism was
possible ten years ago due to then government, especially the Ministry
of Defence adopting a more strategic management approach and
implementing it efficiently and effectively. There is no room for ‘blame
culture’ under strategic management model and this approach prevents
any implementation snags thus attaining the pre-determined goals and
objectives.
Economy as reflected in the Central Bank report 2018:
For a small economy (US$ 89 Billion) like Sri Lanka-with a domestic
consumer market of a mere 21 million, the external demand from the
international markets for Sri Lankan products and services is critical
in order to sustain medium-term economic growth. However, the Sri Lankan
external sector performance-balance of trade-has been poor mainly due
to a steady deterioration of the export competitiveness and due to lack
of consistent policies and implementation snags, red tapes etc. The
trade deficit surpassed US$ 10.3 billion for the first time in the
economic history of Sri Lanka whereas our total export earnings figure
was US$ 11.9 billion only.
The Central Bank report highlights few positive features of the economy,
(a) Overall budget deficit declined to 5.3% from 5.5% in 2017, (b)
while gross official reserves of the country stood at $ 6.9 billion as
at end 2018." (c) Agriculture sub-sector growth has been 4.8% although
this sector contributes only 7% to the GDP. In my view, these salient
features are only superficial in nature. The government budget deficit
of 5.3 % is as a result of the substantial reduction of public
investments and in fact, the Central Bank report says that reduced
capital expenditure has contributed to a dampening of economic activity.
Also, the government revenue collection has declined and was only 13.3%
of GDP. The foreign reserves, which stood at 8.2 Billion as at end
2014, are not ‘earned’ but with additional foreign borrowings, which
includes the issue of international sovereign bonds (ISBs) and proceeds
from asset selling etc. The agriculture growth rates have been around 4 %
during the period up to 2015 and it was only during the years 2016 and
2017, it was recorded negative growth. The Sri Lankan ‘per capita
income’ is stagnated during the last four years and it is now US $ 4,102
/= (Only 1. 9 % growth per year as it was US$ 3,819/= in 2014) This
figure doesn’t really show the income inequality and huge disparity
among the rural ‘bottom of the pyramid’ people, where more than 25% of
the people are living below the ‘poverty indicators’ set by World Bank.
It is regrettable that an ‘export led growth strategy’ practised for
many years has become a mere slogan. The import expenditure reached an
all-time high of US $22.2 billion, in 2018. Continued inflows by way of
tourist earnings US$ 4.4 billion and stagnated workers’ remittances
amounting to US$ 7 billion have contributed to curtailing the expanded
‘trade deficit’ to a certain extent. The annual economic growth rate
has further declined from 3.4% in 2017 to 3.2% in 2018 and this is
inadequate to maintain individual and family income levels to fight
against ever increasing cost of living issue.
Do we practice social-market economy?
As development economists have pointed out, the obstacles to development
are self-reinforcing where low levels of household income prevent
domestic savings, which in-tern retard capital formation; thus low
investments hinder productivity growth, and keep household income back
at low levels. This is the poverty-growth vicious cycle.
One can argue that the low export performance has been due to supply
side issues than demand side and therefore, signing FTAs alone will not
reverse the trends. It seems the fiscal austerity programme recommended
by IMF/World Bank will not yield the benefits and even can lead to more
social unrest instead of helping solve deep rooted structural issues.
Therefore, there has to be an ‘investment led growth strategy’ to drive
the export sector and achieve economic growth.
We preach that Sri Lanka is a Democratic Socialist Republic with a
social-market economy. One can figure out the role played by the
government in the social sector by looking at the total tax collection
from the rich and the subsidies afforded to the less privileged people
in society. The goal is to give equal access to these basic goods: every
child should have access to education, regardless of his or her
parents’ income, and everyone should have access to health care. The
writer has been repeatedly pointing out that the government of the day
during the last five- year period did not spend even 4% of GDP on health
and education, where more than 25 percent of our people live below the
poverty line. As per Central Bank report 2018, only 3.4% of GDP was
spent on health and education. Our health and education services are
fast deteriorating to a level where we could end up in having unhealthy
and less educated children similar to the population living in least
developed countries. The Central Bank has been repeatedly emphasising
the need to address these ‘deep rooted structural issues’ in the
economy, which have prevented the country from maintaining a sustainable
GDP growth rate over time.
Ever increasing foreign debt portfolio:
Our country is now dependent on India, Singapore, Japan and China to buy
goods we consume and on US, UK, Russia and Middle East for our exports.
It is slowly but steadily moving away from its production- based
economy.
The country’s total outstanding foreign debt position has reached an
alarming UD$ 52 Billion, compared with US$ 43 Billion as at end 2014 and
it accounts for 59% of GDP. Despite having a substantial reduction of
public investments in both physical and social infrastructure as shown
above, a total sum of US$ 23.5 Billion has been additionally borrowed
from foreign sources during the of last four-year period and settling
only US$ 14 Billion. We need to be mindful that the ‘social-
infrastructure’ activities, namely health and education sectors are
interwoven with socio-political fabric of the society. It is in this
context only that a clear strategy of increasing public investments in
education, at least 5% of the GDP should be viewed. This will enable the
governments to mitigate the ‘student unrest’ to a certain extent. If
this declining trend continues, Sri Lanka will end up as a ‘failed
state’.
As we mentioned previously, the national security and normalcy could be
restored within a short period of, say, one or two years provided a
proper system to ensure national security is put in place. However, in
my view, country’s economic war cannot be won within a period of three
years even with a new government coming into power by end 2019. The next
government can only reverse the negative trends with prudent national
policy implementation from day one. A deficit of US $ 5 billion per year
will have to be financed through foreign borrowings unless we
successfully negotiate a debt rescheduling programme with lending
institutions and countries.
Professionals must get together under one country, one nation, one people:
Lain Marlow of Bloomberg in his recent article quoted Dr. Jehan Perera,
who serves as executive director at the National Peace Council of Sri
Lanka and a pro -Yahapalana key activist as saying; Quote; "We thought
this new government -- a liberal, western-oriented government -- would
jump start the economy, get the economy taking off, But it didn’t
happen." Unquote. Even before the attack, more and more Sri Lankans had
grown disillusioned with this government of Sirisena and Wickremesinghe,
who formed an alliance to defeat the previous Mahinda Rajapaksa
government in January 2015. No point in blaming the governments and its
ministers or the opposition politicians as we as people get the
governments we deserve. Hopefully, there will be another round of
elections before the end of the year, and people have the right to elect
their political leaders. My own view is we must push for both the
Presidential as well as Parliamentary elections to be held together this
year.
In view of the above precarious macro- economic situation, it has now
become necessary for all of us to concentrate on improving our own
businesses or use our individual expertise and talents as our
contribution to the country albeit at micro level. We need to look
inward and focus on improving what we are good at including how to
improve our own businesses. Let the authorities focus on providing
national security and safety of people.
The Sri Lankan companies should have a new business model focusing on
the entire global value chain. As for companies in the business of
agriculture value addition, it is important to adopt a ‘sustainable
agriculture model’ focusing on ecological balance and inclusivity. The
new business model would have to address how it will shape the landscape
of the farming businesses thereby changing the farmer demography in
order to attract young educated youth so that they will evince an
interest in improving not only food production and coping with growing
demand for pesticide free agriculture, but achieving sustainability and
take responsibility of achieving food security. In addition, the policy
makers of the government dealing with national security must give
highest priority to food security.
The restoration of political stability is a prerequisite for achieving
economic growth. Therefore, time is opportune for the genuine
professionals, academics and business leaders to get together and get
involved actively in the affairs of the government machinery as a
pressure group.

