A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, May 20, 2019
Peace is still elusive 10 years after end of conflict in Sri Lanka
/https://www.thestar.com/content/dam/thestar/opinion/contributors/2019/05/17/peace-is-still-elusive-10-years-after-end-of-conflict-in-sri-lanka/shrine.jpg)
By Gary AnandasangareeOpinion-Fri., May 17, 2019
Ten years ago, the 26-year-old armed conflict ended in Sri Lanka —
and yet peace has not yet been achieved. As we mark this solemn
anniversary on May 18, the prospects for peace and security have never
been dimmer.Having claimed victory in the armed conflict in 2009, the Sri Lankan government could have enacted measures to achieve peace. The president at the time, Mahinda Rajapaksa, instead further traumatized those who survived the armed conflict by placing the 300,000 Tamil civilians who survived Mullivaikal (the sliver of land where the armed conflict ended) in open prison camps.
With an over presence of members from the Sri Lankan military in these
prison camps, many Tamil civilians were tortured, sexually abused, and
further victimized.
Months later, as civilians were released, many were unable to return to their traditional lands as they were occupied by the military. The military continues to occupy civilian lands in the North and East of the Island. Family members who saw their loved ones surrender to the Sri Lankan army during the final hours of the conflict have never heard from them again.
Instead, these families of the disappeared have been on a never ending search for answers. Those who were detained under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act continue to languish in prison – a place rampant with systematic and widespread torture and abuse. These civilians continue to live in highly militarized environments with constant reminders that peace has eluded their lives. Hence, those who survived Mullivaikal continue to live in limbo, without any answer, or justice to the atrocities committed.
Months later, as civilians were released, many were unable to return to their traditional lands as they were occupied by the military. The military continues to occupy civilian lands in the North and East of the Island. Family members who saw their loved ones surrender to the Sri Lankan army during the final hours of the conflict have never heard from them again.
Instead, these families of the disappeared have been on a never ending search for answers. Those who were detained under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act continue to languish in prison – a place rampant with systematic and widespread torture and abuse. These civilians continue to live in highly militarized environments with constant reminders that peace has eluded their lives. Hence, those who survived Mullivaikal continue to live in limbo, without any answer, or justice to the atrocities committed.
In these 10 years the Sri Lankan government’s meagre attempts to build
confidence, seek justice and ultimately attain peace have proven to be
disingenuous.
The United Nations Human Rights Council established an investigation into allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity in 2014. In 2015, the UN investigation concluded that war crimes and crimes against humanity occurred on the island.
Following these conclusions and as a result of sustained international pressure, the Sri Lankan government committed to establishing a domestic hybrid legal process to investigate and prosecute these allegations. The government of Sri Lanka has not been forthcoming in its commitment to enact domestic laws covering war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
The Sri Lankan government failed to seize the opportunity to transform the Sri Lankan state to ensure that it reflects the multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and multi-religious nature of its polity. Rather, 10 years onward, Sri Lanka failed to capture and address the root causes of the conflict, first and foremost, between the Tamil people and the Sri Lankan state, and second, among other minorities on the island.
The unitary state structure fails to ensure that the Tamil population in the Northern and Eastern provinces are afforded even basic decision-making powers over their land, language, culture and policing, let alone a robust federal framework where the Tamil population could have self-determination over matters. This structure also reinforces the primacy of the Sinhala language and the Buddhist religion within the constitution. In these 10 years, these realities were reinforced, both by action and in words.
The United Nations Human Rights Council established an investigation into allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity in 2014. In 2015, the UN investigation concluded that war crimes and crimes against humanity occurred on the island.
Following these conclusions and as a result of sustained international pressure, the Sri Lankan government committed to establishing a domestic hybrid legal process to investigate and prosecute these allegations. The government of Sri Lanka has not been forthcoming in its commitment to enact domestic laws covering war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
The Sri Lankan government failed to seize the opportunity to transform the Sri Lankan state to ensure that it reflects the multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and multi-religious nature of its polity. Rather, 10 years onward, Sri Lanka failed to capture and address the root causes of the conflict, first and foremost, between the Tamil people and the Sri Lankan state, and second, among other minorities on the island.
The unitary state structure fails to ensure that the Tamil population in the Northern and Eastern provinces are afforded even basic decision-making powers over their land, language, culture and policing, let alone a robust federal framework where the Tamil population could have self-determination over matters. This structure also reinforces the primacy of the Sinhala language and the Buddhist religion within the constitution. In these 10 years, these realities were reinforced, both by action and in words.
The Easter Sunday attack on Christian churches, and the ensuing attacks
and targeting of the Muslim population have changed the terrain on the
island. It is not that these fault lines were not already alive, but the
Easter Sunday attacks highlighted the abject failure of the Sri Lankan
state to protect minorities. The investigation that followed reveals
further lapses within the Sri Lankan security structure and its
dysfunctional government.
The full potential of Sri Lanka cannot be met if the state and its people do not recognize the true nature of the state. The current state structure does not work.
The full potential of Sri Lanka cannot be met if the state and its people do not recognize the true nature of the state. The current state structure does not work.
The current leadership, and those leaders in waiting, lack the bold
leadership required to ensure that justice is served, a new political
pact is established, and minorities on the island are protected. The
current majoritarian Sinhala/Buddhist state structure have not served
the island well, and in order to move forward, the state must reflect
the needs and aspirations of all of the people on the island.
Ten years on, the island cannot afford a bloodbath. It needs to seek truth, ensure accountability, deliver justice and rework its polity. Otherwise, failure to learn from history may risk repeating it.
Gary Anandasangaree is a human rights activist and is the Liberal Member of Parliament for Scarborough-Rouge Park.
Ten years on, the island cannot afford a bloodbath. It needs to seek truth, ensure accountability, deliver justice and rework its polity. Otherwise, failure to learn from history may risk repeating it.
Gary Anandasangaree is a human rights activist and is the Liberal Member of Parliament for Scarborough-Rouge Park.
