A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, January 28, 2020
Last week, President Gotabaya
Rajapakse had told U.N. Resident Coordinator Ms. Hanaa Singer that those
reported missing from the war are “actually dead” and that the
government would soon issue death certificates. Although the President
has since clarified that death certificates will follow proper
investigations, his remarks are an affront to mothers, wives, sisters,
and daughters of the disappeared who have for years been demanding
answers in monthly street protests, before the Office of Missing
Persons, and in cases pending in our courts.
Maybe the President realized his
comments amounted to an admission of guilt. Former Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe made a similar remark in 2016 that those missing were in
fact dead. WAN condemned those remarks then, as it does now. But Mr.
Wickremesinghe was not in power during the last part of the war or in
the years that followed. As Defence Secretary, the Current President
Gotabaya was. On May 18 2009, thousands surrendered with Rev. Fr.
Francis Joseph to now-Army-Commander Shavendra Silva’s 58th Division.
Families watched as their loved ones surrendered and boarded buses,
never to be seen again. If those missing are dead, how did they die or
who killed them? When, where, why, and how were they killed? Where are
their remains? How long has the truth been silenced?
To take just one case, what became of
young Balendran Mahinthan who, after being handed over by his mother
Jayakumari Balendran for rehabilitation, was pictured in one of the
government’s LLRC publications? Is he dead too? His mother was
imprisoned for over one year under the PTA in 2014 and still has cases
pending. All this ordeal is partly because she was on the front lines
holding up irrefutable photographic evidence and demanding justice. Does
the government now expect her to accept a death certificate and
compensation without knowing what happened to the child she voluntarily
handed over for rehabilitation?
The President claims that most of
those missing were abducted by the LTTE or forcibly conscripted. But
what about those who disappeared after the end of the war? Journalists
and civil society actors were taken in white vans even after Mr.
Gotabaya Rajapakse proclaimed the terrorists had been defeated. Where
are they now? What about those who were surrendered by their family
members in front of many witnesses and never heard back?
Without details of what happened and
who was responsible, it is impossible to simply ask families to move on.
The question betrays either a profound ignorance or cruel indifference
for what it means to deal with enforced disappearance at a human level.
Families have long resisted the government’s efforts to silence their
demands with death certificates and compensation. Their concerns and
input helped create the Certificate of Absence procedure in the OMP Act
(Act No. 14 of 2016, section 13). As relatives of the disappeared
passionately show by occupying the streets, truth is not just about
determining if loved ones are alive, but instead determining the full
scope of what happened. Until a full picture emerges, families will
struggle to heal, reconcile, or find peace.
Sri Lanka will be on the agenda before
the U.N. Human Rights Council this February. The government will have
to speak to its progress on implementing resolution 30/1. Our
President’s remarks last week seem calculated to that meeting—a first
step toward withdrawing promises previously made. Indeed, we have
already seen changes on the ground. Officers involved in investigating
high-profile human rights cases have been intimidated and demoted;
victims pursuing their cases before the OMP and courts have been
harassed; and some lawyers fear for their family members’ safety. By
suggesting that those missing are probably dead, President’s comments
undermine the vital work of the OMP. This is true despite his
clarification that death certificates will follow investigations—the
clarification suggests investigations are a formality, with death
certificates a foregone conclusion. Moreover, Sri Lanka’s history of
fruitless investigations brings little solace those seeking truth.
The U.N.’s silence after a
head-of-state’s remarks to its top official in country, is deeply
concerning. In a 2016 report, the U.N. Working Group on Enforced and
Involuntary Disappearances stated “the lack of a comprehensive,
transparent and effective mechanism to find missing and disappeared
persons” had led families of the disappeared “to experience great
emotional distress.” (A/HRC/33/51/Add.2, ¶19.) In a 2019 follow up
report, the Working Group noted that “ten years on from the end of the
civil war, there remains a long way to go” to deliver on promises made
to families of the disappeared. (A/HRC/42/40/Add.1, ¶19.) Consistent
with these findings, it must remain the U.N.’s view that Sri Lanka is
obligated to deliver truth and justice to victims of enforced
disappearance. The President’s remarks reveal his intent to undermine
Sri Lanka’s promises in this regard. Heeding this signal, the U.N.
should declare that commitments made to the international community on
behalf of the Sri Lankan people cannot so easily be pushed aside.
Sri Lanka has now ratified the
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance and passed enabling legislation into Sri Lankan law. It
is now the law of this land that “Every victim and relative of the
victim shall have the right to know the truth regarding the
circumstances of an enforced disappearance, the progress and results of
the investigation as are carried out by the law enforcement authorities,
and the fate of the disappeared person.” (Act No. 5 of 2018, sec.
14(1).) Unless the Government of Sri Lanka respects this right—by
committing to a full truth-seeking process—victims are bound to believe
their only recourse lies through the international community.
Women’s Action Network is a collective of nine women’s groups working in the north and east.


