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?????????????????????????????????????????????????Thursday, May 7, 2020
Will Democrats stay stuck in a two-state time warp?

Martin Indyk has hosted the far-right Israeli politician Avigdor Lieberman in Washington.
Shahar AzranPolaris Palestine activists
Michael F. Brown -6 May 2020
Palestine activists reading this week’s letter from
32 former US diplomats and national security officials urging
Democratic Party leaders to push for the party’s platform to express
“support for the security and rights of both Israelis and Palestinians”
may be inclined to run headlong into the nearest wall.
These officials’ effort to salvage the two-state solution is too little, too late.
They had their chances to stand up to Israeli racism and expansionism and failed. Miserably.
Now, in the midst of a pandemic, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and
President Donald Trump are poised to move forward with Israel’s summer
annexation of a huge piece of the West Bank.
Credible talk should address the apartheid faced by Palestinians and
efforts to secure equal rights for Palestinians in a one-state reality.
Instead, the letter to the Democratic National Committee notes that
Trump’s “Deal of the Century” provides Israel’s government with “a green
light to annex all West Bank settlements and the Jordan Valley and
maintain its occupation in perpetuity, making a sovereign, independent
and contiguous Palestinian state impossible.”
This is true as far as it goes. But why is it happening?
It’s transpiring because officials such as the letter’s signers didn’t
insist on real pushback and sanctions for Israel’s illegal settlement
policies and anti-Palestinian discrimination. Surely, they must have
held some awareness that this was Netanyahu’s end game all along,
notwithstanding all his obvious lies to the Obama administration about
his good-faith pursuit of two states.
Acknowledging now that prior Democratic platforms have been “nearly
silent on the rights of Palestinians, on Israeli actions that undermine
those rights and the prospects for a two-state solution, and on the need
for security for both peoples” is like publicly recognizing the horse
has left the barn without putting forward a plan of action for how to
address the situation. This horse isn’t going back in the barn.
No sanctions are recommended to head off Israel’s proposed action with
the backing of the Trump administration. There’s no insistence that
apartheid and Bantustans are morally wrong.
The signers speak of “equal rights” but couch it within the two-state
framework of a “Jewish and democratic state” rather than as a demand
Democrats will make about one state in the face of Israel’s entrenchment
of the apartheid reality.
The writers argue that the Democratic platform “should include clear
opposition to ongoing occupation, settlement expansion and any form of
unilateral annexation of territory in the West Bank as well as clear
opposition to violence, terrorism and incitement from all sides.”
Outdated?
But such language may well be altogether antiquated by the time of the
Democratic convention currently scheduled for mid-August. Netanyahu
could proceed with annexation as early as 1 July according to the
arrangement he struck with Blue and White leader Benny Gantz.
Platform wording that is behind the times would be fitting for a
Democratic Party that has long lagged in its willingness to extend equal
rights to Palestinians. The party that eventually supported sanctions and equal rights for Black South Africans in one state (rather than inherently unequal Bantustans),
somehow finds the same principle problematic in 2020 for Palestinians
enduring Israeli apartheid and the prospect of its July entrenchment.
Even Dennis Ross, who probably did more than any other American negotiator to advance Israel’s interests to
the detriment of Palestinians, understands which way the wind is
blowing and what these signers appear unprepared to recognize: One state
for two peoples is on the way.
Israel’s new government allows PM Netanyahu to raise unilateral annexation on July 1. He needs Trump’s agreement to implement it. That’s the only condition; it will take a Palestinian counteroffer or key Arab leaders weighing in to stop it. 1 state for 2 peoples is more likely.
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Unsurprisingly, the letter says not a word about the rights of
Palestinian refugees to return to stolen homes and lands. Nor does it
mention Palestinians battered by siege in Gaza and facing a potentially
devastating pandemic should COVID-19 enter refugee camps there.
Long-time American diplomats such as Martin Indyk, who signed the letter, spent too much time paving the way in Washington for proto-fascists or outright fascists such as Avigdor Lieberman.
Indyk had help. I was told years ago by an editor at the International Herald Tribune that no word with fascism in it would ever appear in that newspaper to describe Lieberman.
This week’s letter is an unintended reminder that US officials and US
journalists for years failed to convey and confront the racism driving
Israel’s anti-Palestinian actions. The signers have much to answer for
from past years, but continue to raise questions today about their
judgment.
Why are they pressing ahead in proposing two-state language to the
Democratic National Committee for its platform at a time when Netanyahu
and Trump are giving every indication that by July the real discussion
will have to be focused on Israeli apartheid or one state with equal
rights for all?
Presumptive Democratic Party nominee Joe Biden is stuck in a similar two-state time warp. Yesterday, he stated,
“A priority now for the cause of Israeli-Palestinian peace should be
resuming our dialogue with the Palestinians and pressing Israel not to
take actions that make a two-state solution impossible.”
Like Biden, the officials seeking to advise the Democratic Party are too
slow to recognize the reality on the ground and the enormity of the
Israeli government’s crimes which today pass as business as usual.
Offering analysis rooted in 1990s thinking fails a party that must
contend with the apartheid Palestinians face in 2020.
The Democratic Party is out of date and so are its advisers.
They may yet win November’s election. But a Biden presidency offers
little hope of rectifying the mess these officials made even prior to
the Trump administration’s gleeful upheaving of the wreckage left behind
in January 2017.

