A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, June 9, 2014
Convergence On Over-Centralisation
Of Power
By Jehan Perera- Monday, June 09, 2014
If the governance framework is altered, all sections of the population
will be the beneficiaries and not just the people of the north and east.
The present governance framework makes it virtually impossible for it
to address the post-war ethnic issue in a manner that accords with
principles of good governance.
The prospect of anything significant happening is still improbable
because de-concentration of power is not in the interests of the
government and the weakness of the opposition in mobilising popular
opinion against the government continues.
However, the international pressure on the government with regard to the
implementation of a political solution to the conflict also continues
unabated. The government’s expectations that the change of government in
India would lead to a reduction in Indian pressure on this count
suffered a reversal when the new Indian government took the same
position as its predecessor. At their first meeting Indian Prime
Minister Narendra Modi informed President Mahinda Rajapaksa that India
expects Sri Lanka to implement the existing 13th Amendment to the
constitution and to also go beyond it in terms of the devolution of
powers.
The Indian request to implement the 13th Amendment and to go beyond it
has come at a troublesome time for the government. It is widely
anticipated that presidential elections will be called soon, possibly by
the end of the year. The government has placed its reliance on winning
the Sinhalese majority vote and in the context of likely elections it
appears implausible that ethnic minority aspirations will be given
priority by the government.
Therefore there is little or no prospect of the government heeding the
Indian Prime Minister’s suggestion to go beyond the devolution of powers
prescribed by the 13th Amendment. The challenge is to even implement
what it already contains.
So far the government, and those that came before, has refused to
implement the police and land powers contained in the 13th Amendment.
According to External Affairs Minister Prof G L Peiris, who was
reporting to Parliament, the President had informed his Indian
counterpart at their meeting about his unwillingness to devolve police
powers to the provincial councils.
During the period of war, national security was provided as the justification for not devolving police powers.
However, in a time of peace the government has less justification for
not devolving police powers, at least to the community level. In
addition the government has even less justification for not implementing
the 13th Amendment in the North and East to even the extent that it is
implementing it in the rest of the seven Sinhalese-majority provinces.
Neither the President nor the External Affairs Minister dealt with this
issue in their responses.
COMMON CAUSE
The devolution of powers to the Northern and Eastern Provinces is
severely undermined at the present time by two institutional devices.
The first is the active role played in these two provinces by the two
Governors who have been appointed by the President. Both of them have
been keeping a close scrutiny of the decisions taken by their respective
Provincial Councils and have utilised the powers vested in them to
often over ride the decisions made by their Boards of Ministers.
The second institutional device, which is found only in the Northern
Province, is the establishment of a Presidential Task Force that
monitors all non-governmental activities there, and stands as a
doorkeeper that approves or denies permission for developmental or even
humanitarian activities.
Getting PTF approval can be an onerous process, but one that has to be gone through.
NGOs have been refused permission to hold even welfare events like eye
clinics by the military if they did not have prior PTF approval.
This type of centralisation of power which undermines the functioning of
the Northern and Eastern Provincial Councils has generated resentment
in those areas. It is therefore significant that the centralisation of
power in the Presidency is now being seen elsewhere in the country also
as a problem.
Two political parties that are coalition allies of the government have
now come out publicly in support of the abolition of the Presidency or
at least in favour of the reduction of its powers. Leaders from both the
Communist Party and the JHU have agreed that the abolition of the
Presidency should be a key element of a new constitution if it were to
meet the aspirations of all Sri Lankans.
The Ven. Athuraliye Ratana Thera of the JHU called for reducing the
powers vested in the executive president and said that a President who
was not answerable to Parliament and could not be summoned to court
should not be allowed to hold so many ministerial portfolios.
It is significant that this debate is taking place within the government
coalition at a time when the government still retains overwhelming
strength over the opposition. Although there are sporadic and local
level acts of dissent against the government, by student groups and
trade unions for the most part, they are left to be isolated events
without being unified by a strong opposition party.
The lack of opposition unity continues to be a notable feature in the
national polity, with the opposition unable to agree on a common
opposition candidate to contest the forthcoming presidential elections.
Therefore it seems that the concern of the government allies is not so
much the fear of losing forthcoming elections, but rather is with issues
of good governance. Instead of being downcast by the apparently
unchangeable realities of the present, there is the emerging hope of a
growing convergence on the need to tackle the over centralisation of
power.
