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Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, November 25, 2016
Sri Lanka: When justice system reached the supreme level of absurdity

Undermining
of a moral norm is thus considered uncivilized behavior. If there
develops a view that there is no importance to be given to moral and
immoral behavior, then such a society has reached its lowest depths
by Basil Fernando-Nov 24, 2016

( November 24, 2016, Hong Kong SAR, Sri Lanka Guardian) When
the high level delegation of Sri Lanka met the UN Committee against
Torture (CAT Committee) last week on the 5th Periodic Review, one of the
Committee members raised an important issue. The Member asked whether
the dysfunctionality of the justice system in Sri Lanka has virtually
created a situation of a de facto emergency.
It is worth taking a little time to grasp the meaning of a de facto emergency.
Normally, an emergency would mean the de jure state of emergency, or in
other words a legally declared emergency. This is when creating
safeguards on people’s rights are being suspended for a specific period
due to an extraordinary situation facing a nation. The relevant Article
in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), is
Article 4 which states the following:
“Article 4
1 . In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin.
2. No derogation from articles 6, 7, 8 (paragraphs I and 2), 11, 15, 16 and 18 may be made under this provision.”
1 . In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin.
2. No derogation from articles 6, 7, 8 (paragraphs I and 2), 11, 15, 16 and 18 may be made under this provision.”
A de facto emergency situation is when there is no such official
declaration of emergency but the very crisis in the justice system
itself has virtually created a situation where, in effect, there is a
suspension of the rights of the people. A simple example from normal
day-to-day life would be when a machine is stopped by the order of an
authority and all the work carried out by the machinery is stopped. This
would be de jure.
On the other hand, we could say there is a de facto breakdown of
services when the machinery is not stopped by anybody but it is so
broken that it does not produce the desired result or it in fact creates
opposite results. The same can be said of a justice system if the state
or the system is so far below the required standards that it does not
provide safeguards of people’s rights that a justice system is expected
to safeguard, or, in fact, the system itself is as a result creating
drastic forms of injustices.
Has the Sri Lankan justice system reached this state of “de facto
emergency” or a default state of denial of safeguards of people’s rights
due to its malfunctioning? Let us take some familiar examples from
actual cases to examine this situation.
Let us take the case that we reported upon recently, wherein inside a
Magistrate’s Court a rape victim is asked to ‘settle’ her case for a
payment of Rs. 15,000. First of all, rape is a very serious crime and
the prescribed punishment, if a person is proven guilty, is 20 years of
rigorous imprisonment. Further, being a serious crime, it can only be
tried in a High Court. The Criminal Procedure Code clearly states that
this is not a compoundable offence. The Magistrate who settled the case
in the above-mentioned terms has violated all the basic rules of
criminal procedure as well as the fundamental notions of criminal
justice. [Please see; “Ministry of Justice has failed to
protect the victims of crime” article by Basil Fernando, Ceylon
Independent Newspaper, 12th November 2016]
One of the most important principles of criminal justice is proportional
punishment, which means that the punishment meted out by the Courts
must be proportionate to the gravity of the crime. The plain meaning is
that a petty crime should not lead to a punishment of sending a person
to imprisonment on the one hand and a serious crime should not be
dispensed with a lighter punishment.
This kind of punishment is meant to safeguard the rights of the people
not to be subjected to such crimes. The law expects that the punishment
should have a deterrent effect. This means it should discourage other
persons from committing similar offences. The implication is that if a
serious crime is dealt with in a lenient way it would lead to other
criminals committing the same crime and thus creating insecurity to the
people living in that society.
By allowing the settlement of a rape case for a mere payment of Rs.
15,000 amounts to serious undermining of the people’s moral norms. Moral
norms are those which human beings develop as most essential guidelines
for their behavior. When moral norms are ignored or undermined, moral
behavior of the people in that society are also thus undervalued and
undermined. Thus, in the moral codes of all societies, rape is
considered a heinous crime and a part of the most despicable moral
behavior. The very security of the female population, which is half or
more than half in most societies, depends on the appreciation and
adherence to avoiding such behavior as rape and other forms of sexual
violence.
Undermining of such a moral norm is thus considered uncivilized
behavior. If there develops a view that there is no importance to be
given to moral and immoral behavior, then such a society has reached its
lowest depths. A Court that arrives at a decision such as the
settlement mentioned above is thus a contributor to the degeneration of
the morals of a society to the lowest possible depths.
Here we see the role of a court turned on its head. The role of the
judge and the court and the entire paraphernalia of the exercise of the
justice function is turned upside down when a grave offence like rape is
treated in this manner.
We could see these same reflections when we consider another instance of
a rape – that of a 14 year old girl. This case came up before the Sri
Lankan justice system and the system took 17 years to come to a final
conclusion that the accused in the case were guilty. Again, the court
system has treated such a grave crime in such a trivial manner by
delivering is conclusion so late. In doing so, it achieved the same
result as the allowing of a settlement as mentioned above. All deterrent
effects are lost by such undue delay and moral norms are undermined and
immoral behavior is encouraged.
As we well know, prolonged delays are in no way exceptional in Sri Lanka
but it consists of the routine. The average time for final adjudication
of a case in a High Court is 10 years or more. Thus, it can be asserted
that our courts, by prolonged delays, have become agents of
encouragement of immoral and criminal behavior.
Close examination would show that the settlement of a rape case for a
small sum of money may be a short cut for avoiding prolonged delays in
final adjudication of a case. That conclusion is virtual abandonment of
the court’s responsibility to exercise its jurisdiction in order to
curtail crime by way of a regular and just system of punishments. The
logic of replacement of adjudication through “unprincipled settlements”
is thus an extremely dangerous policy.
If you take these linkages between unprincipled settlements as a way of
getting over adjudication, we see other factors that contribute to this
rather dangerous logic. These arguments are based on the excessive
workloads of courts. It is said that prosecutors are so overburdened
with long accumulated files that they are not in any position to do a
proper job regarding any of the cases because their time needs to be
shared over a large list of cases.
This means that if time is calculated on the basis of accumulated files
there is no time available for the prosecutors to discharge their duties
in the manner that their position as prosecutors requires them to do.
Thus, the requirements of prosecutor-ship, and the time available to
carry out those requirements, are so out of proportion that neglect of
the required standards is an inevitable result. The same logic could be
brought to the judges who have also to deal with cases on the one hand
on the basis of legal and moral norms that should guide a judge, and, on
the other, without any kind of a reasonable time within which such
norms can be carried out faithfully.
Here we have a supreme absurdity: the logic demanded by adherence to
required norms and the available time for doing so is so
disproportionate that there could be any kind of reasonable discharge of
duties.
The basics of this supreme absurdity could be illustrated from virtually
any case that comes before our courts and also by so many cases that
never reach our courts, because people who become aware of this supreme
absurdity, prefer to suffer their crimes in silence rather than come for
“pooja” before an absurd deity.
Thus, the observation made by the particular member of the CAT Committee
is truer than perhaps she would have realised. Would she have had the
kind of familiarity an average Sri Lankan has, the entire course of that
CAT Committee Session may have taken a different turn.
A simple question needed to be asked of the high level panel: why has
your justice system reached this supreme level of absurdity? And another
question could have been used for follow-up: in these circumstances do
you not realise that the comic play that you have put up before us
merely exposes how slavish you have become to a supreme absurdity?
Basil Fernando, Director of both Asian Human Rights Commission and Asian Legal Resource Centre based in Hong Kong SAR, where this piece was originally appeared.
