A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, September 16, 2018
Cat-And-Mouse Games & The Political Implications Of MR-Modi Meeting

China’s
entry into the rural infrastructure and plantation sector in Sri Lanka
is an indication of what the Asian superpower is becoming, or has
already become, to Sri Lanka: a rich friend slowly buying you over by
throwing money at your every problem.
In the first three years of this government, China’s involvement in Sri
Lanka was confined to several mammoth development projects in Colombo
and down south. China also acquired operations of the newly constructed
port in Hambantota on a 99-year lease. Although China’s move to acquire
Hambantota alarmed India, there wasn’t any explicit show of resentment
by New Delhi, at least on diplomatic and political levels.
This year, however, China advanced into two other sectors in Sri Lanka –
rural infrastructure development (in the North) and the plantation
sector. It is no coincidence that Northern development and the
plantation sector are two areas that India, China’s greatest contender
in the region, is deeply sensitive about.
In April, state-run China Railway Beijing Engineering Group Co Ltd won a
more than $300 million project bid to build 40,000 houses in Jaffna,
with China’s Exim providing the financing. Although the project has been
halted due to residents demanded brick houses instead of the concrete
structures planned by the firm, China’s presence in Jaffna sent an
alarming sign to India.
Then last month, China committed to investing US $30-40 million to
assist Sri Lanka’s rubber industry – still a fraction of the overall
investments planned for the plantation sector of Sri Lanka. Although
unclear whether the investment will be limited to the rubber industry or
if China will pump money into the tea industry as well, it is clear
that China is eying Sri Lanka’s plantation sector and the Sri Lankan
government is willingly holding the door open.
It is immaterial whether or not the current Sri Lankan government is
deliberately playing the ‘China card’ against India. The reality is that
the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government – desperate to show some
‘results’ on the ground before an all-important Presidential election in
2020 – has limited options when it comes to financiers. And although
the current government is described by the opposition as neo-liberal and
exceedingly Western-oriented, the West has been of very little help in
terms of FDIs and foreign aid. In China, they have found a lavish
spender, willing to lead the government out of this perceived ‘lack of
development’ before the next election, and in this, it seems, investment
partners are chosen on a ‘first come -first served’ basis.
How is it that China has gained an edge over India? It has, in my
opinion, something to do with the pace at which the two countries move
on the investment decision making and delivery fronts. India has
frustrated the Sri Lankan government more than once by taking too long
to deliver results, whereas China has been quite consistent with
delivery and with meeting the deadlines – deadlines which are, too
often, tied to political realities. Therefore, with a crucial election
around the corner, leaders of the government cannot see a better partner
than in China, to prove ‘rapid development’ to their electorate. China,
understandably, is using this increasing dependency on it, to position
itself strategically in the Indian Ocean, right under the nose of India.
China’s growing presence in new areas of the Sri Lankan economy is a
discomforting for India. But, how can India fight it? India is clearly
no longer in any position to beat China on the aid front. The only
possible way New Delhi can ‘counterbalance’ China’s growing influence in
Sri Lanka is through political manoeuvring – in a cat-and-mouse game
India and Sri Lanka have been playing for more than four decades now.
It is against this backdrop that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa was
invited to New Delhi by his long-standing friend Subramanian Swamy, a
BJP MP and the leader of the Virat Hindustan Sangam. The former Sri
Lankan President’s presence in New Delhi has sparked a debate on if the
Modi administration orchestrated the invitation extended by Swamy.
Rajapaksa, it must be pointed out, had a rocky relationship with India
at the time he fell out of power in January, 2015. He even publicly
accused the Indian intelligence agency of conspiring to topple his
government. The dynamics, however, have shifted over the past three
years and Rajapaksa’s proxy party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, won
the Local Government election earlier this year and have vowed to return
to power at the next national election.

