A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, September 30, 2015
Sri Lanka war crimes resolution softened before U.N. debate
A
Tamil demonstrator holds up a hand as they wear a glove covered with
fake blood during a protest near the Commonwealth Secretariat in London
November 15, 2013.
A U.S.-backed resolution at the United Nations that seeks justice for
victims of Sri Lanka's 26-year civil war has been softened to keep its
government on board and allay the concerns of powerful neighbour India,
sources say.
The latest draft, expected to be adopted in Geneva on Thursday, fails to
specify the powers and role of foreign prosecutors and judges in trying
war crimes suspects – a major shortcoming, in the eyes of human rights
groups.
They and some diplomats say that reflects the balancing act needed to
keep Sri Lanka's new reformist leadership on board while making a
credible attempt to end a culture of impunity over what the U.N. calls
the mass killings of tens of thousands of people by both sides in the
final stages of the conflict.
"Everything now depends on implementation - the text was worded in a
very ambiguous way," said Alan Keenan, Sri Lanka analyst at the
International Crisis Group.
A judicial process with teeth would hold out a realistic prospect of
punishment for senior figures in ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa's
government and military, as well as Tamil Tiger rebels, who waged a
bitter final battle in 2009.
The U.N. has estimated that 40,000 people died, many of them civilians,
as government forces tightened the noose around a patch of land on the
Jaffna Peninsula where Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebels
were penned in.
But the U.S.-led draft agreed with the Sri Lankan government falls short
of explicitly meeting a call by the U.N.'s human rights chief for a
special court staffed with international judges, prosecutors, lawyers
and investigators.
Such "hybrid" courts have emerged in recent years as a way to deliver
justice in places such as East Timor, Kosovo and Sierra Leone against
powerful individuals capable of threatening judges or witnesses.
The text instead vaguely affirms the importance of participation in a
Sri Lankan judicial mechanism of "Commonwealth and other foreign judges,
defence lawyers, and authorized prosecutors and investigators".
John Fisher, Geneva director at Human Rights Watch, said the Sri Lankan
government had resisted appointing an independent international
prosecutor and a majority of foreign judges.
"Meaningful foreign participation and international monitoring will be
needed to prevent local pressure and intimidation from interfering with a
fair judicial process," he said.
"SUBSTANCE STILL THERE"
Sri Lanka argues that President Maithripala Sirisena's constructive
engagement with the U.N. marks a break with the recalcitrance of
Rajapaksa, whom he defeated in a presidential election in January.
Sirisena won backing on Monday from U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry,
who endorsed a "credible domestic process" with international support
when the two met on the fringes of the U.N. General Assembly in New
York.
How this would work in practice still needs to be hammered out. "In
order to ensure credibility, we of course need some kind of
international involvement. But it will be decided after the consultation
process," one Sri Lankan official said.
A source familiar with the drafting discussions said the Sri Lankan
government wanted to create the impression the resolution had been
watered down to placate the majority Sinhala community that formed
Rajapaksa's power base.
"The substance is still all there," said the source, who requested
anonymity. The U.S. draft is widely expected to be adopted by consensus
at the U.N. Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva.
A Western diplomat in Colombo and a source at the Tamil National
Alliance, an opposition political party, said India had been at the
forefront of efforts to ensure there was no full international war
crimes probe in Sri Lanka.
This included lobbying by India to change the description of judges from
"international" to "foreign" in the draft resolution, reflecting
concerns that India could one day face a similar judicial reckoning in
its disputed territory of Kashmir.
Sources familiar with New Delhi's thinking flatly reject those
suggestions, saying the resolution was worded to reflect Sri Lanka's
concerns about protecting its sovereignty.
(Additional reporting by Ranga Sirilal, Stephanie Nebehay and Douglas Busvine; editing by Andrew Roche)
Conflicting Reconciliation
- (Posted on 28-09-2015)
- Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management In a significant shift in policy, on September 24, 2015, Colombo decided to co-sponsor a draft resolution (A/HRC/30/L.29) that was tabled at the 30th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva. The draft resolution titled 'Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka', based on the findings of the OISL [OHCHR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights) Investigation on Sri Lanka], was sponsored by the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro; United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; and United States of America (USA). Notably, the previous regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa had vehemently opposed a strident campaign by the international community, particularly western nations, to interfere in the country's internal affairs in the guise of 'investigation of war crimes' through the adoption of such resolutions.
Sri Lanka: UN Resolution Could Advance Justice
The core group presenting the Sri Lanka Resolution to the United Nations
Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland on September 21, 2015.
© 2015 Sunanda Deshapriya
SEPTEMBER 28, 2015
(Geneva) – The United Nations Human Rights Council should adopt a resolution ensuring a robust international role in Sri Lanka’s justice
mechanism for abuses during the country’s brutal civil war, Human
Rights Watch said today. The resolution, expected to be adopted on
October 1, 2015, contains a number of strong provisions but will need to
be thoroughly implemented for victims to obtain genuine justice.
“This resolution makes it clear the time has come for the Sri Lankan government to act,” said John Fisher,
Geneva director at Human Rights Watch. “The resolution’s endorsement of
a judicial mechanism with international participation is an important
recognition of the need for an international role to ensure justice for
victims.”
The resolution draws on the new report by the UN Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights detailing numerous abuses by both sides in
the conflict, and the government’s failure over decades to hold those
responsible to account. Among the report’s concrete recommendations is
the establishment of a special court “integrating international judges,
prosecutors, lawyers and investigators” with an independent Sri Lankan
investigative and prosecuting body. While the proposed resolution does
not specifically call for a hybrid national-international justice
mechanism, if fully implemented it offers a greater hope for justice
than past failed promises by the Sri Lankan government on justice for
human rights abuses.
Unlike in past years, Sri Lanka has agreed to co-sponsor the resolution,
which was presented initially to the Human Rights Council by the
governments of the United States, United Kingdom, Montenegro, and
Macedonia. Overall, the new Sri Lankan government, voted into power in
January 2015, has acted in a more cooperative manner with the
international community. It has, however, resisted including an
independent, international prosecutor and a majority of international
judges, which would create the greatest chance of success for justice.
“The new Sri Lankan government, through getting on board with this
resolution, is making important promises to all the victims of Sri
Lanka’s war,” Fisher said. “However, meaningful foreign participation
and international monitoring will be needed to prevent local pressure
and intimidation from interfering with a fair judicial process.”
The Sri Lankan government has accepted many recommendations to improve
the human rights situation, including a repeal of the draconian
Prevention of Terrorism Act and reforms to the Witness and Victim
Protection Law, both long called for by victims’ rights groups. The
government has also agreed to accelerate the return of lands confiscated
by the security forces; to end the divisive military involvement in
civilian activities in the country’s north and east; to investigate
allegations of attacks on civil society, media, and religious
minorities; and to work towards devolution of authority from the centre
in line with the 13th amendment to the constitution.
“The resolution is a far-reaching call to address pressing needs for
reform,” said Fisher. “An early test of the government’s sincerity will
be if the Prevention of Terrorism Act is repealed and not simply
replaced by another bad law with another name.”
Human Rights Watch expressed concern about inadequate provisions for
international oversight of implementation of the terms of the
resolution. The resolution only calls for an oral update from the High
Commissioner during the Council’s 32nd session in June 2016 and a
written implementation report at the 34th session in March 2017. The
government will also need concrete proposals to ensure compliance with
international law in addressing grave abuses, including command
responsibility, so that charges brought reflect the gravity of the
crimes and target those most responsible.
“If implemented, the Human Rights Council resolution on Sri Lanka could
prove to be a milestone for addressing past and ongoing human rights
abuses,” Fisher said. “The burden now rests with the government to fully
honour its pledges and with UN members to see that it does so. This is
not a time to cross Sri Lanka off the list of countries requiring
scrutiny. For real progress, now is the time to work with the government
to ensure reforms are real and lasting.”
Siobhain pushes government for justice in Sri Lanka
25 September 2015
Siobhain
brought together a number of other MPs to call for the UK government
not to turn its back on international participation in securing justice
in Sri Lanka.
Back in 2013, the Prime Minister publicly called for a ‘credible and thorough’ international war crimes inquiry via the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing the importance of independence in order to ‘[bring] justice and closure and healing’.
However, most recently, UK support for a strong international justice mechanism seems to have been diminishing, with the UK's present position being the support of a solely national 'political solution, mediated by the international community’.
Many do not feel as if this new position is good enough, given continued human rights abuses in Sri Lanka: the need for international participation, according to a most recent UN report, is clear. How can the Sri Lankan people have faith in a purely national mechanism, when key witnesses still do not have access to proper protection and are afraid to speak out? How can a national tribunal convened by a government whose members are themselves implicated in the crimes be expected to hold the right people thoroughly to account?
As Siobhain's letter states: 'Six years after the end of the brutal civil war, not one person has been prosecuted for war crimes, despite the fact that forty thousand Tamils died in the final stages of war alone. We cannot stand by and let limited national mechanisms fail to provide the victims of inhumanity the fairness and justice that they truly deserve.
The justice process must have people’s full confidence if it is to bring closure and a new beginning for the Sri Lankan people.'
You can read the letter, sent to the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the Minister of State (Hugo Swire) below:
Dear Prime Minister,
Justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka
We are writing to express our concern and disappointment regarding the UK’s changed position on Sri Lanka’s justice mechanism, and in the sincere hope that this position will be reviewed.
Back in 2013, the Prime Minister publicly called for a ‘credible and thorough’ international war crimes inquiry via the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing the importance of independence in order to ‘[bring] justice and closure and healing’. This was a position that we all supported, but we are distressed to learn that the UK’s official position now seems to be that of supporting a purely national mechanism in Sri Lanka, according to remarks made by the Rt Hon. Hugo Swire MP, Minister of State at the Foreign Office.
As the Minister stated in the Westminster Debate on the subject on 15 September 2015; ‘Our expectation is that Sri Lanka will now take forward the [UNHRC] report’s recommendations… [The new government in Sri Lanka] has our full confidence… We need to understand that there has been a sea change in Sri Lanka. We need to get behind the new administration.’
There is no doubt that the election of President Sirisena represents a considerable improvement and renewed hope for the country. But this is no reason to pass all responsibility for justice to the national government, and we do not share the Minister’s overwhelming optimism.
Change in Sri Lanka is slow, and confidence in the state apparatus is very low amongst Tamils. Even more concerning is the recent report from Freedom From Torture, Tainted Peace (2015), which has shockingly found that torture, mainly of Tamils, has continued well into the new government. As the report notes, there has been limited action from the new administration to tackle vested interests in the military, police and intelligence services. Furthermore, President Sirisena himself served as Defence Minister in the final days of the civil war, when most civilian casualties occurred. Meanwhile, many of the most senior government and military figures remain unchanged from those dark days.
How can the Sri Lankan people have faith in a purely national mechanism, when key witnesses still do not have access to proper protection and are afraid to speak out? How can a national tribunal convened by a government whose members are themselves implicated in the crimes be expected to hold the right people thoroughly to account?
There is no evidence either that a national mechanism alone will enable justice truly to win through, or that the new government’s good intentions will be strong enough, or that the administration is competent enough, to act. Indeed, Sri Lanka is not itself a signatory of the Rome statute, which means that its laws do not cover a number of the international laws that were clearly breached during the civil war.
The Tamil people themselves therefore support a hybrid mechanism which incorporates both national and international involvement. This is reflected in the request for UK assistance made by the Chief Minister of the Northern Province in July 2015, in order to reach a ‘political solution, mediated by the international community’.
The UK is in a position of huge importance on this issue, and it therefore has a moral obligation to push for the course of action that really brings justice to the Sri Lankan people. We can assert a position where we express hope in the new government without suddenly releasing ourselves from our moral responsibility.
Indeed, as the UNHRC report states:
"The Council welcomes the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on Sri Lanka and fully endorses all the recommendations, especially creating a Hybrid Court with International Judges, Prosecutors and Investigators."
"The Council further urges the High Commissioner to submit a report in the March, June, and September 2016 Sessions of the UNHRC about the progress in setting up the Hybrid Court and Prosecutions."
The Minister of State has suggested Sri Lanka simply needs a ‘credible domestic mechanism that meets international standards’ (Westminster Hall, 15 September 2015), but we do not agree that this is enough. Instead, the need for a hybrid mechanism that combines the best of national and international action to achieve the mutual goal of justice for the Sri Lankan people is clear.
We sincerely hope the UK government will turn away from its ‘hands-off’ approach, to reassert the importance of international oversight, and to call explicitly for the full implementation of the UNHRC’s recommendations. Full justice and accountability requires not just the use of existing national mechanisms but full institutional reforms and international supervision to ensure these crimes can never happen again.
Six years after the end of the brutal civil war, not one person has been prosecuted for war crimes, despite the fact that forty thousand Tamils died in the final stages of war alone. We cannot stand by and let limited national mechanisms fail to provide the victims of inhumanity the fairness and justice that they truly deserve. The justice process must have people’s full confidence if it is to bring closure and a new beginning for the Sri Lankan people.
We look forward to these matters being taken into account and the UK’s position on this important subject being reviewed.
Yours sincerely,
Siobhain McDonagh MPSenior Vice Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils
Joan Ryan MPVice Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils
Mike Gapes MP
Barry Gardiner MP
John Mann MP
Stephen Pound MP
Steve Reed MP
Virendra Sharma MP
Stephen Timms MP
Back in 2013, the Prime Minister publicly called for a ‘credible and thorough’ international war crimes inquiry via the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing the importance of independence in order to ‘[bring] justice and closure and healing’.
However, most recently, UK support for a strong international justice mechanism seems to have been diminishing, with the UK's present position being the support of a solely national 'political solution, mediated by the international community’.
Many do not feel as if this new position is good enough, given continued human rights abuses in Sri Lanka: the need for international participation, according to a most recent UN report, is clear. How can the Sri Lankan people have faith in a purely national mechanism, when key witnesses still do not have access to proper protection and are afraid to speak out? How can a national tribunal convened by a government whose members are themselves implicated in the crimes be expected to hold the right people thoroughly to account?
As Siobhain's letter states: 'Six years after the end of the brutal civil war, not one person has been prosecuted for war crimes, despite the fact that forty thousand Tamils died in the final stages of war alone. We cannot stand by and let limited national mechanisms fail to provide the victims of inhumanity the fairness and justice that they truly deserve.
The justice process must have people’s full confidence if it is to bring closure and a new beginning for the Sri Lankan people.'
You can read the letter, sent to the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the Minister of State (Hugo Swire) below:
Dear Prime Minister,
Justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka
We are writing to express our concern and disappointment regarding the UK’s changed position on Sri Lanka’s justice mechanism, and in the sincere hope that this position will be reviewed.
Back in 2013, the Prime Minister publicly called for a ‘credible and thorough’ international war crimes inquiry via the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing the importance of independence in order to ‘[bring] justice and closure and healing’. This was a position that we all supported, but we are distressed to learn that the UK’s official position now seems to be that of supporting a purely national mechanism in Sri Lanka, according to remarks made by the Rt Hon. Hugo Swire MP, Minister of State at the Foreign Office.
As the Minister stated in the Westminster Debate on the subject on 15 September 2015; ‘Our expectation is that Sri Lanka will now take forward the [UNHRC] report’s recommendations… [The new government in Sri Lanka] has our full confidence… We need to understand that there has been a sea change in Sri Lanka. We need to get behind the new administration.’
There is no doubt that the election of President Sirisena represents a considerable improvement and renewed hope for the country. But this is no reason to pass all responsibility for justice to the national government, and we do not share the Minister’s overwhelming optimism.
Change in Sri Lanka is slow, and confidence in the state apparatus is very low amongst Tamils. Even more concerning is the recent report from Freedom From Torture, Tainted Peace (2015), which has shockingly found that torture, mainly of Tamils, has continued well into the new government. As the report notes, there has been limited action from the new administration to tackle vested interests in the military, police and intelligence services. Furthermore, President Sirisena himself served as Defence Minister in the final days of the civil war, when most civilian casualties occurred. Meanwhile, many of the most senior government and military figures remain unchanged from those dark days.
How can the Sri Lankan people have faith in a purely national mechanism, when key witnesses still do not have access to proper protection and are afraid to speak out? How can a national tribunal convened by a government whose members are themselves implicated in the crimes be expected to hold the right people thoroughly to account?
There is no evidence either that a national mechanism alone will enable justice truly to win through, or that the new government’s good intentions will be strong enough, or that the administration is competent enough, to act. Indeed, Sri Lanka is not itself a signatory of the Rome statute, which means that its laws do not cover a number of the international laws that were clearly breached during the civil war.
The Tamil people themselves therefore support a hybrid mechanism which incorporates both national and international involvement. This is reflected in the request for UK assistance made by the Chief Minister of the Northern Province in July 2015, in order to reach a ‘political solution, mediated by the international community’.
The UK is in a position of huge importance on this issue, and it therefore has a moral obligation to push for the course of action that really brings justice to the Sri Lankan people. We can assert a position where we express hope in the new government without suddenly releasing ourselves from our moral responsibility.
Indeed, as the UNHRC report states:
"The Council welcomes the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on Sri Lanka and fully endorses all the recommendations, especially creating a Hybrid Court with International Judges, Prosecutors and Investigators."
"The Council further urges the High Commissioner to submit a report in the March, June, and September 2016 Sessions of the UNHRC about the progress in setting up the Hybrid Court and Prosecutions."
The Minister of State has suggested Sri Lanka simply needs a ‘credible domestic mechanism that meets international standards’ (Westminster Hall, 15 September 2015), but we do not agree that this is enough. Instead, the need for a hybrid mechanism that combines the best of national and international action to achieve the mutual goal of justice for the Sri Lankan people is clear.
We sincerely hope the UK government will turn away from its ‘hands-off’ approach, to reassert the importance of international oversight, and to call explicitly for the full implementation of the UNHRC’s recommendations. Full justice and accountability requires not just the use of existing national mechanisms but full institutional reforms and international supervision to ensure these crimes can never happen again.
Six years after the end of the brutal civil war, not one person has been prosecuted for war crimes, despite the fact that forty thousand Tamils died in the final stages of war alone. We cannot stand by and let limited national mechanisms fail to provide the victims of inhumanity the fairness and justice that they truly deserve. The justice process must have people’s full confidence if it is to bring closure and a new beginning for the Sri Lankan people.
We look forward to these matters being taken into account and the UK’s position on this important subject being reviewed.
Yours sincerely,
Siobhain McDonagh MPSenior Vice Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils
Joan Ryan MPVice Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tamils
Mike Gapes MP
Barry Gardiner MP
John Mann MP
Stephen Pound MP
Steve Reed MP
Virendra Sharma MP
Stephen Timms MP
TNA hails U.S.-backed resolution on Sri Lanka
A file photo of Tamil National Alliance leader, R. Sampanthan.
"This is perhaps the best possible resolution that could have been achieved at the UNHRC", says TNA leader R. Sampanthan.
- T. RAMAKRISHNAN-September 29, 2015
The draft resolution on Sri Lanka tabled at the United Nations Human
Rights Council (UNHRC) by the U.S. and other countries has addressed the
main issues of accountability and reconciliation, according to the
Tamil National Alliance leader, R. Sampanthan.
The involvement of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence
counsel, prosecutors and investigators would give the judicial process
“much greater degree of credibility”, the TNA chief told The Hindu on
Tuesday. “You can’t blame the people who are sceptical [of the domestic
judicial process] because the previous experiences were quite bad.”
The references in the resolution to the need to evolve an acceptable
political solution and the proposed review of implementation of the
resolution at the 32nd and 34th sessions of the UNHRC are “welcome
features”, he said.
“This is perhaps the best possible resolution that could have been
achieved at the UNHRC on the basis of a consensus.” Mr. Sampanthan also
recalled that resolutions on Sri Lanka were adopted at the UNHRC during
2012-2014 through voting.
Asked whether he was confident of the full implementation of the
resolution, the TNA leader said that a “honest implementation will
become inevitable,” against the context of “a resolution based on
consensus.” He urged all to join together to make sure that the
resolution was “honestly implemented in the interests of the whole
country and all people living in the country.”
Emphasising that an early settlement to the Tamil question should be
found by next year, he said it must be “reasonable, workable and
durable.” “Our people must feel that they have a new future where they
honestly think that they belong to this country and this country belongs
to them.”
Justice mechanism controlled by Sri Lanka will not be credible say Tamil parties, civil society and trade unions
29 September 2015
Expressing concern over the
consensus resolution on Sri Lanka due to be tabled at the UN Human
Rights Council, North-East civil society groups, trade unions and Tamil
political parties, including three out of the four constituent parties
of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) stressed that “a mechanism, which
is by and large managed and controlled by the Sri Lankan state, will not
in our opinion be deemed credible by the victims in Sri Lanka”.
Sri Lankans disabled by war, forgotten in peace
Mayuran
Sivachandran, seen here in August 2015 in Mulaittivu District where
fighting raged between Sri Lanka government forces and the Tamil Tigers,
lost his leg in 2008 to a war-related injury.
A man permanently injured during the war is seen in August 2015 in Mullivaikal where the last battles were fought-Government
soldiers who suffered permanent injury during the war are seen at a
victory commemoration event in Colombo in May 2014
By Amantha Perera -29 September 2015
KARADIYANARU,
Sri Lanka, 16 September 2015 (IRIN) - Sri Lanka’s decades-long civil
war ended six years ago, but it’s not over for many victims who suffered
permanent injuries during the conflict.
Government soldiers can receive assistance packages for injuries sustained in service, including the continuation of salaries for those able to work at desk jobs, or long-term care in military-run facilities for those severely disabled. But there is no programme to help civilians and former Tamil Tigers who remain permanently affected by injuries during the war.
Government soldiers can receive assistance packages for injuries sustained in service, including the continuation of salaries for those able to work at desk jobs, or long-term care in military-run facilities for those severely disabled. But there is no programme to help civilians and former Tamil Tigers who remain permanently affected by injuries during the war.
A Letter To The President On An Effective Finance Commission & Essential Prerequisite For Genuine Devolution
Dear Mr. President,
An Independent, Representative, Professional and Visionary
Finance Commission Discharging its Accountability with Efficiency,
Economy and Effectiveness Is Key to Achieving a Balanced, Inclusive and
Equitable Socio Economic Development of the Provinces and the Country
Your commitment to ensuring peace, harmonious co-existence, and
embedding shared positive societal values and norms amongst all
citizens, and associated commitments for growth and development led
sustainable prosperity and happiness to be shared by all citizens, where
ever they may live in the country, have been clearly articulated in
following speeches you delivered since assumption of office;
- Independence day[i]
- Occasion that marked 100 days since election as President[ii]
- Ranaviru Day[iii]
- Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Economic Summit[iv]
- Meeting with the Diplomatic Community[v]
Within the next few days, You and the Government led by you, will accept further commitments arising from;
- The adoption of the new UN Sustainable Development Goals 2016-2030[vi]
- The resolution on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka[vii]
The above commitments of the
government, especially in removing inequalities in national resource
allocations led disparities in provincial value addition and household
incomes, to be delivered will require change management led new
leadership approach to socio-political and economic governance of Sri
Lanka. Read More
Foreign ministry changes Geneva draft in Sinhala translation
The
Sinhala translation, posted in the foreign affairs ministry website, of
the draft proposal submitted to the UNHRC’s 30th session has two big
mistakes. Both mistakes are in the very important paragraph on the
participation of international judges in the mechanism for
accountability in Sri Lanka. Many websites have carried articles quoting
this wrong translation and claiming it to be a victory of Sri Lanka.
It is unclear as to whether these were intentional or a mistake, but the
paragraph in question is being quoted as a victory of the government.
See mistake in the translation:
In the sixth paragraph, ‘special counsel’ has been translated
differently in two instances. Firstly, it has been translated as a විශේෂ
කවුන්සිලයක් and secondly as a විශේෂ උපදේශක කාර්යාලයක්. Also, it also
claims to be විදේශීය විනිසුරුවරුන්ගෙන්, විත්තිය වෙනුවෙන් පෙනී සිටින
නීතිඥයන්, අභිචෝදකයන් හා විමර්ශකයන්ගෙන් සමන්විත විශේෂ උපදේශක කාර්යාලයක
සහභාගීත්වයක්. It is an office to be set up by the government and not a
consultancy office of international judges’
Secondly, in the same paragraph, ‘participation in a Sri Lankan judicial
mechanism’ has been translated as ශී්ර ලංකා අධිකරණ යාන්ත්රණයක බලය
යටතේ අවශ්ය බව. Based on this, websites have carried articles claiming a
minimal international involvement in an accountability mechanism. The
original English draft does not mean so.
Given below are how the foreign affairs ministry website carries the sixth paragraph in English and Sinhala respectively:
Balachandran
Ananth (left) of Hartley College, Point Pedro and Prasadi Lakshani of
Holy Cross College, Gampaha with their awards.
(Pic by Kamal Wanniarachchi)
(Pic by Kamal Wanniarachchi)
by Reemus Fernando
An athlete from Point Pedro won the best athlete title of the John
Tarbet Junior Athletic Championships for the first time at Anuradhapura
on Friday.
Sri Lanka Schools Athletic Association officials praised the efforts of
Balachandran Ananth of Hartley College, Point Pedro and Prasadi Lakshani
of Holy Cross College, Gampaha after they were declared the best
athletes in the boys’ and girls’ categories, respectively, at the
four-day championship which concluded with St. Benedict’s College,
Kotahena and St. Joseph’s Balika, Kegalle winning the overall titles on
Friday.
"Balachandran Ananth is the first athlete from the entire Jaffna
peninsula to have secured the best athlete title in a Sir John Tarbet
Athletic Championships," an official of the SLSAA told The Island in a
telephone interview from Anuradhapura.
"Both Balachandran and Lakshani did really well. They deserve praise," he said.
Ananth won the title for his feat of 45.91 metres in the Under-15 discus throw.
Prasadi Lakshani won the award for the best jumper of the meet and the
best athlete title in the girls’ category for her feat of 5.32 metres in
the Under-15 long jump.
Sandumini Chaviprabashi Bandara of St. Joseph’s Balika, Kegalle won the
Under-15 girls’ 400 metres in 60.9 seconds to earn the award for the
best 400 metres runner of the meet according to results released by the
Sri Lanka Schools Athletics Association.
Her victory in the 400 metres meant that St. Joseph’s won all sprint
events in the Under-15 girls’ category. She was also the winner of the
200 metres (Wednesday). The Under-15 100 metres was won by her teammate
T.M.M. Piumini Weerasooriya who clocked 13.5 seconds. St. Joseph’s
dominance in sprint events was the key for them to win the Overall Girls
championship. They aggregated 69 points. Ladies College with 39 points
and Lyceum International Wattala with 37 points were the first and
second runners up in the girls’ category.
Although St. Benedict’s did not win many golds they managed to aggregate
more points by securing several silver and bronze medals. The Bens
collected 78 points to take the Overall Boys title. St. Mary’s College,
Chilaw (62) and Royal College, Colombo (56) finished second and third.
SC Judges Abrew And Marasinghe To Be Impeached – Political Judges To Be Punished
September 29, 2015
The government of Sri Lanka has decided to impeach two Supreme Court judges namely Rohini Marasingheand Sarath De Abrew sources close to Justice Minister Wijedasa Rajapakshe told Colombo Telegraph.
According to the sources the government had concluded investigations
into judge Rohini Marasinghe and especially her husband who was
operating a legal consultancy that had direct links to the cases that
was presided by his wife and her work concerned.
Judge Sarath De Abrew on the other hand who has a history of violent
behavior, currently has a case pending against him at the Mount Lavinia
Magistrates Courts filed by a woman who was assaulted by him with a
pistol. The woman in concern had initially recorded her statement with
the Mount Lavinia Police earlier on the 26th of June 2015.
In an earlier related incident Judge De Abrew had gone on to display his
violent streak in the Business Lounge of the Bangalore airport where he
verbally abused his colleagues when returning from a Judges conference.
In that particular incident on the 23rd April 2013, he was reported to
be boisterous for over a ten minute period. During that time Judge De
Abrew had gone on to hit one of his colleagues with a bottle of water
leaving many other onlooking passengers at the Business Class Lounge in
awe.
This move comes in the wake as the government is on a drive to bring about discipline and professionalism to the judiciary.
Russian President Vladimir Putin Speaks At UN
( September 28, 2015, New York City, Sri Lanka Guardian) The
export of the so-called democratic revolutions continues, as the
international community fails to learn from mistakes, which have already
been made, Russian President Vladimir Putin said addressing the UNGA.
He cited the example of the revolutions in the Middle East, when people wished for change, “but how did that turn out?”
He said that instead of triumph of democracy “we have violence and
social disaster,” where no one cares about human rights, including the
right to life.
US President Obama Addresses UN
( September 28, 2015, New York City, Sri Lanka Guardian) President
Obama issued a strong condemnation of Russian President Vladimir
Putin’s use of force in Ukraine in an address to the United Nations
General Assembly on Monday, warning world leaders of “dangerous
currents” that stand to threaten international stability.
“We cannot stand by when the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a
nation is flagrantly violated,” Obama told world leaders at the 70th
annual session at the United Nations.
“Imagine if instead Russia had engaged in true diplomacy and worked with
Ukraine and the international community to ensure its interests were
protected,” Obama said. “That would be better for Ukraine, but also
better for Russia and better for the world. This is why we continue to
press for this crisis to be resolved.”
Minister’s brother as port chairman!
\
Dhammika
Ranatunga, brother of ports and shipping minister Arjuna Ranatunga, has
been appointed chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority, say SLPA
sources. Dhammika, a resident of the US, returned to Sri Lanka after the
‘Yaha Paalana’ government came to power.
The
SLPA chairman previously was Dr. Lucky Panagoda, a dual citizen of Sri
Lanka and Britain. Since he had clashed with the subject minister during
the first 100 days, minister Ranatunga has decided to appoint a person
who can be maneuvered easily, say the sources.
When
contacted, a ‘Yaha Paalana’ activist told Lanka News Web, “What is the
purpose of the presidency if his son cannot be taken to the UN?
Similarly, what is the purpose of a ministership if his brother cannot
be given a chairmanship? Do not get excited. Let’s see.”
‘Thajudeen’s vehicle did not catch fire because of accident ‘ -All expert reports including analyst’s
(Lanka-e-News
-29.Sep.2015, 6.30PM) The metal debris found belonging to the
vehicle of rugby player Mohomed Wasim Thajudeen which was supposed to be
involved in an accident and a subsequent fire that resulted , do not
indicate that they had caught fire ,J.A.S. Jayaweera , the assistant
commissioner (technical) of the Registration of Motor vehicles (RMV)
dept. has stated in his report to the additional magistrate Nishantha
Peiris yesterday (28)
The report also states that it cannot be said definitely how the fire started or how it spread.
On a directive issued by the magistrate on the 14 th of August , the
vehicle No. K Q 6543 in question that was near the Shalika hall
belonging to the CTB was inspected on the 25 th of August at 9.30 a.m.
by a team including additional government analyst A. Welianga , Toyota
Co. technical advisor W.L.Perera and assistant goverment analyst
M.L.W. Jayamanna , Jayaweera informed court.
After the collision the vehicle was immobilized, and consequent upon
the accident , as the front and under sides of the buffer , and the
left side wheel were damaged ,the harm caused to the driver is most
trivial , the report further indicates.
The steering wheel getting detached is unlikely in such an accident
.Based on an inspection of what is remainiing of the steering wheel ,
and the other burnt parts , it can be concluded that the steering wheel
was destroyed by the fire, Jayaweera had indicated in his report.
In a report contained in 6 pages , the assistant commissioner Jayaweera
had further stated , the metal parts could not have got burnt due to
such an accident ..However , how the fire started and spread cannot
be stated for sure , the report goes on to state.
---------------------------
by (2015-09-29 13:00:46)
by (2015-09-29 13:00:46)
MR Personally Responsible For Rs.100 Million Advertising Bill According To Presidential Elections Act
September 29, 2015
Rajapaksa who was questioned over the matter by a presidential
commission of inquiry recently had said that the responsibility for the
payments was vested with the UPFA as he was the party’s nominee for the
polls.
According to the UPFA senior a candidate prior to handing over
nominations has to appoint an election agent and this agent will be
responsible for the campaign issues of the candidate including relevant
payments.
In the event that no such appointment being made such candidate shall be deemed to have appointed himself as his election agent.
The UPFA bigwig said that as Rajapaksa had not appointed an agent it is he who should bear responsibility for the matter.
Rajapaksa was questioned recently by the Presidential Commission of
Inquiry appointed to probe corruption and abuse of power during the
previous regime.
A special team of Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate and
inquire into Serious Acts of Fraud, Corruption and Abuse of Power, State
Resources and Privileges (PRECIPAC) visited Rajapaksa’s Mirihana
residence to record a statement.
The Commission summoned Rajapaksa to record a statement on a petition
lodged about the losses incurred by the State during the last
presidential election.
The special team questioned the former president over non-payment of
dues to a state-owned TV channel for broadcasting advertisements for his
2015 presidential campaign.
An audit inquiry has found that the state television Independent
Television Network has incurred losses over Rs. 101 million as Rajapaksa
has failed to pay the dues to the state TV for advertising his election
campaign.
Same audit has found that the ITN had agreed to broadcast Rs. 44.7
million of advertisements for current president Maithripala Sirisena but
only aired Rs. 2.6 million worth advertisements despite the agreement.
Mentioned below is a clause in the Presidential election act on the above issue;
Presidential Elections Act (No. 15 of 1981) – Sect 31
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