No graves for Sri Lanka's disappeared

For relatives of the missing, All Souls' Day a reminder of unanswered questions

A Tamil woman cries after offering a floral tribute to relatives who disappeared during Sri Lanka's civil war. (Photo by Quintus Colombage)

• Quintus Colombage, Raddoluwa-Sri Lanka-October 30, 2015

S.M. Premasilee commemorates All Souls' Day but is not sure whether she should or not. That's because she doesn't know if her husband and two brothers are still alive or dead.

No Graves for Sri Lanka's Disappeared by Thavam Ratna

Panel report falls short of justice”

Oct 30, 2015

The Maxwell Paranagama Commission Report on the Sri Lankan conflict had fallen short of truthfulness and justice, said S.P. Udayakumar, Convenor of the People’s Movement Against Nuclear Energy (PMANE) and member of the Steering Committee of Pachai Thamizhagam here.

In a letter addressed to the General Secretary of the United Nations, Mr. Udayakumar said that the report appears to be a ploy to circumvent the charges of genocide of the Tamil minority in that country and to avert a possible international inquiry into the “war crimes” by the Sri Lankan government and its armed forces.

How to Counter Rape During War

By ELISABETH JEAN WOOD and DARA KAY COHENOCT. 28, 2015

Last year, at a global conference on sexual violence during war, many speakers agreed that the best way to deter such crimes was prosecution, and they called for more of it. But prosecutions are not enough. We must work to reduce sexual violence by armed groups during wars — not just act afterward.

First, we have to better understand it. Although rape during war is an ancient crime, it’s only in the last decade that social scientists have begun to study the patterns in which soldiers and rebels rape. The findings may be surprising: It’s not more likely to occur in particular regions, countries with greater gender inequality or during ethnic conflict; men may bevictims, and women can be perpetrators.

But while rape is tragically common in war zones, it’s not an inevitable part of war. In fact, we have found that a significant percentage of both armies and rebel groups in recent civil wars were, surprisingly, not reported to have raped civilians. That’s because commanders have options: They can choose to order, tolerate or prohibit rape. A deeper understanding of their behavior offers the hope of mitigating the problem.

Some commanders order rape as a military or political strategy, and specify the target. As the Soviet Army marched toward Germany in 1945, generals ordered soldiers to take revenge on all Germans, not just soldiers. Guatemalan soldiers systematically raped indigenous Mayans during the civil war from 1960 to 1996. Today, the Islamic State forces Yazidi women and girls into marriages and sexual slavery, which they wrongly believe is legitimate under Islamic law.

Other commanders, even when they don’t order rape, implicitly or explicitly tolerate it. And rape can become extremely widespread, although it’s not ordered. In these cases, we have found that the motivation to rape often comes from soldiers’ interactions with one another.

It may reflect soldiers’ frustration in fighting an enemy that is difficult to engage, as it was for those units of American troops who raped Vietnamese civilians in the 1960s. It can also be a form of self-pay, as it is for Congolese soldiers who say that they rape out of anger that their meager salary prevents them from achieving masculine ideals, like providing for a family. Gang rape, in particular, may allow soldiers who were conscripted by force to create bonds of friendship and loyalty, as male and female members of the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone reported.

Finally, some commanders prohibit rape by their soldiers. In Sri Lanka the Tamil Tigers, while otherwise very violent during their insurgency in the 1980s and ’90s, closely monitored their troops and brutally punished the few soldiers who raped. In El Salvador in the 1980s, commanders of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front required their fighters to attend classes that emphasized that the group’s Marxist ideology prohibited the abuse of civilians. Rape was already infrequent, but after classes started, it virtually ended. Although both the Israel Defense Forces and Palestinian militant groups commit other acts of violence, rape has been extremely rare in recent years.

Unlike a stray bullet, rape is always intentional — whether it’s ordered from above or emerges from below. That simple fact means there is a lot that military officers and leaders of insurgent groups, NGOs and government agencies can do to mitigate it.     FULL STORY>>>

National Budgeting Basics!

By Hema Senanayake –October 30, 2015

Hema Senanayake

A discussion on the subject of taxation might be appropriate at this point of time as the parliament is getting closer to debate the budget for the year 2016. The budget is all about taxes if the small portion of debt-free foreign grants is ignored. Perhaps, one might think that national budget is about taxes and debt because the budget deficit would mostly be financed from borrowings. However, since current loans will have to be paid back through future taxes, I prefer to suggest that national budget is all about taxes to be levied at present or future.

Let me begin by pointing out an important assertion about taxes. For administrative purposes the point of the collection of taxes may vary but all taxes are truly paid by the producers (employees and owners) of revenue generating enterprises if expatriate remittances are not taxed. As far as I know, Sri Lanka does not tax expatriate worker remittances. Therefore, again, I insist the point that, “all taxes are paid by the producers of revenue generating enterprises.

Now, one might think that not only the producers of revenue generating enterprises are paying taxes, but some employees of the government do pay taxes. The simple explanation for this argument is this: the producers of revenue generating enterprises are paying taxes to enable the government to pay its employees a sum that includes a portion of disposable wage income and a sum for the payment of tax. Perhaps this arrangement might be useful to implement an equitable tax policy. However the ultimate truth is that only the revenue generators can pay real taxes.

Therefore, clearly, tax is a part of income deprived to direct producers of revenue generating enterprises. However, the tax money is expended by the government in producing things of common interest of the society such as general administration, law and order, judicial services etc. Karl Marx explained this story of tax clearly. He said that, “What the producer is deprived of in his capacity as a private individual, benefits him directly or indirectly in his capacity as a member of society.” (www.marxists.org); this is the basis and purpose of taxation. Taxation is a mechanism to distribute the means of consumption in any given period while producing common interest. Is the Jumbo Cabinet a common interest of Sri Lankan society? I do not know.

Revenue generating enterprises in the real economic sector play the most important role in our economic system. It is where the economic system’s “capital money” and “consumption money” are produced. Perhaps these terms might be uncommon in economics but they make sense in making economic policies and in making structural adjustments to our economic system. For an example let us take the term “consumption money.” What is this?

                                                                             Read More

Lankan born elected mayor in Australian city



2015-10-30
Samantha Ratnam, whose family fled Sri Lankan riots for a better life in Australia has been elected Moreland’s first Greens mayor, Herald Sun‎ reported on Friday. 

South Ward councillor Ratnam won the mayoral vote 6-5 over Labor candidate Cr Lita Gillies, bringing an end to the ALP’s stranglehold on the mayorship. 

Cr Ratnam had been unsuccessful in the previous two mayoral votes, but secured the vote of independent councillor Helen Davidson, who had backed Labor candidates in previous mayoral votes.

 “I was more confident this year than the past two years, when I was pretty sure I did not have the numbers, but until the hands went up I was not sure it was going to happen,” Cr Ratnam said. “The night was quite surreal and it’s just still sinking in.” 

The ascension to mayor has capped an incredible personal journey for Cr Ratnam, who arrived in Australia with her family in 1989 having fled war-torn Sri Lanka and spent time in Europe and Canada. 

Aged 6 at the time, Cr Ratnam said she remembered the 1983 riots in Colombo that gave rise to the country’s 30-year internal war, including her family being split as they took refuge when Sinhalese Sri Lankans burnt Tamil Sri Lankans’ homes.

“I remember seeing the streets burning and for the first time seeing adults crying,” she said. 

“It was an experience that changes you in many ways, but going through it together with family helped the healing.” 

Her family left Sri Lanka in 1987 and Cr Ratnam said it wasn’t until she moved to Brunswick seven years ago that she felt at home. 

She said her experiences fuelled her interest in social work and motivated her to take the program manager position at the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre.

 Looking forward, Cr Ratnam said planning issues would be high on her agenda.

 She said she would advocate that Planning Minister Richard Wynne approve the Brunswick Structure Plan, Environmentally Efficient Design policy and Apartment Design Code with minimal or no changes. 

“We need these rules set so people have certainty and clarity,” she said. 

She said other major projects in the next 12 months would include the design of the Oak Park pool redevelopment, construction of Pascoe Vale Community Centre and transport infrastructure, including improvements to Upfield Shared Path. 

The major challenge facing Moreland Council, and all local governments, would be rates capping, Cr Ratnam said. 

Cr Ratnam said being head of what had at times been a divided council could be challenging but she was confident councillors would work together. 

“It should be an interesting year and there has certainly been a change in dynamic of the council,” she said.

“But I have faith that everyone will put their best foot forward and make the last year of this council a successful one.” 

Let's hope Sri Lanka regains its serendipity

Ravi Velloor-Associate Editor (Global Affairs)-OPINION

Some years before his death in 2008, I sat in the modest Colombo home of Mr Harry Goonatillake, a retired chief of the Sri Lankan Air Force, listening to his reminiscences about flying Mr Lee Kuan Yew around the island when the Singapore leader visited the South Asian nation in the 1970s.

Let's Hope Sri Lanka Regains Its Serendipity by Thavam Ratna

The Sad Case Of Tuan H.L.D. Mahindapalan

By Izeth Hussain –October 28, 2015 

Izeth Hussain

In his latest lengthy diatribe against me, replete as it is with hysteria, HLDMstates in his title that I was getting “hysterical”. He was referring to my rejoinder to his earlier lengthy diatribe, a rejoinder consisting of just a few lines n which I made a few points pointedly. The term “hysterical” seems to me singularly inappropriate for that rejoinder. He seems to be unable to get anything right when he targets me, such is the intensity of his ethnolunacy.

I must explain the title to my present rejoinder. Some years ago a friend told me that HLDM’s father was a Malay who worked in the Fire Brigade, who as a Muslim had sent his son to Zahira College for his education. All that was mentioned in passing and without any denigratory intent, and I must emphasize that I have no such intent either in using the term “Malay”. My point is simply that his incomplete Sinhalese identity could lead through a process of over-compensation to ultra-Sinhalese racism. However he denies his Malay paternity but at the same time he glories in the honorific Tuan. I shall therefore henceforth call him Tuan. As for Mahindapalan, we are told that his wife is Tamil, and that too could surely make him ultra-Sinhala.

H. L. D. Mahindapala

I have suspected that the Tuan’s demented hatred and rage against me could be explained by a schizophrenic split in his ethnic identity. But if indeed he has no Malay paternity, the explanation has to be sought elsewhere. However, before attempting that explanation, I must clear up his confusion about the core argument in the article that has provoked his outbursts. The core argument concerns sovereignty, about which I proffered two points. The first is that there has been a steady erosion of state sovereignty since 1945. Anyone who doubts that has to be regarded as an ignoramus on international relations. I will give examples to show that erosion. Idi Amin of Uganda was overthrown through the intervention of Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and like-minded African leaders. No one protested against that. Later Emperor Bokassa of the Central African Empire was overthrown through French intervention and no one protested either. Recently a coup in Burkina Fasso was reversed through the African leaders acting in unison, and by the same process several earlier coups were also reversed, so that today the majority of African countries have democratic governments. It is a fact that the principle of state sovereignty established by the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 is no longer sacrosanct.

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Did Pillayan kill Raviraj?

Oct 30, 2015

The Criminal Investigation Department officials investigating the murder of TNA Parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviraj has linked Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan's name to the murder.

CID sleuths have sought Swiss assistance to arrest the main suspect in the murder named Charan who is said to be a close ally of former Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan also known as Pillayan.

Charan is living in Switzerland, the officials said. The CID official said that the weapon used to kill former parliamentarian Raviraj has reached the killer through a Colonel.

The sources said that the colonel was arrested on suspicion over the abduction and murder of Prageeth Ekneligoda too .

A CID official told the Daily News on condition of annonmity that the colonel had given that weapon to the former Chief Minister Pillayan who in turn passed it to Charan.

" We have received information that Charan has given that weapon to a navy personnel who allegedly killed parliamentarian Raviraj,"he said He also a Police constable had given protection to this sailor.

Currently both of them are in police custody.

According to the sources four people have been taken into custody so far over the murder of Raviraj and two of them have agreed to become state witnesses. The CID bared the information with regard to the Pillayan's alleged links to the murder of MP Raviraj during the interrogation of Edwin Silva Krishnanandaraja alias Pradeep Master and Rangasami Kanaganayagam alias 'Gajan Maamaa' over the Pararajasingham assassination.

These two suspects were taken into custody earlier.

They were detained on a 90 day detention order issued under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Apparently during interrogation, they introduced Pillayan as their "boss" at the time Pararajasingham was killed. Both Pradeep Master and Gajan Maamaa are estranged from Pillayan now.

- Courtesy: http://www.dailynews.lk/

Still a crime to be gay in Sri Lanka

Though new government offers some hope, say LGBT activists

By KAITLIN BARDSWICH on Tue, Oct 27, 2015

“I’m sorry I’m a lesbian,” a Sri Lankan woman says she told her mother, after her sister outed her.

Still a Crime to Be Gay in Sri Lanka by Thavam Ratna

''This is a moment we cannot afford to lose'' -Mangala

Speech for the Commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of the Muslims of the Northern Province

Lanka-e-News -30.Oct.2015, 4.50PM) I would like to thank the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress for organizing this commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of the Expulsion of Muslims from the North. At this historic juncture, when Sri Lanka is grappling with its past and creating a constitutional framework for true peace, this tragic episode in our history, and the anguish that persists to this day, needs to be remembered and addressed.

I would like to particularly thank Minister Rauff Hakeem for his vision and leadership in organizing this event - it is a privilege to be invited here to speak a few words. The SLMC has a long and chequered history of advocating on behalf their community’s rights. Both the late Mr. Ashraff and Minister Hakeem have boldly voiced the grievances and concerns of the Muslim community in Cabinet, in Parliament, in the press and in their travels abroad. The SLMC’s fact-finding and reporting efforts during the Aluthgama Pogrom and surrounding attacks were particularly bold.  

The history and suffering of Sri Lanka’s Northern Muslims is a microcosm of our post-Independence history. In October 1990 the LTTE gave 75,000 Muslims under forty-eight hours to leave their ancestral homes across the North and take nothing more than their clothes and 500 rupees to live in IDP camps – where an estimated 80 percent remain 25 years later. 

They had peacefully lived, farmed and traded with their Tamil brethren for centuries. In fact, some Muslims initially helped the LTTE and many more were sympathetic to their cause. The bonds between the communities were close. Therefore, the LTTE’s sudden order came as a surprise to many. It was a crime that shocked the conscience of the entire country. 

The LTTE’s justification echoed the age-old line of majorities towards minorities: they, the majority, had been lenient, generous and considerate, while the minorities have been treacherous and ungrateful. In this case, the Tigers alleged that the Muslims’ specific crime was colluding with the state and the Indian Peacekeeping Forces.

But underlying the arguments about Muslims being a fifth column and a security threat to the LTTE was something more pernicious. It was a belief that the power of numerical majority was a justification for violating the rights of individuals and minority groups. 

The North of Sri Lanka was as much home for its Muslim population as it was for its Tamil population. Both communities had as much claim as the other to live there and these claims were not contested. The two communities had lived together for centuries in peace. 

But the LTTE believed that the Tamil population’s numerical majority gave it the right to expel the entire Muslim population. It was not just the LTTE, few Tamils criticized the LTTE while many justified their actions; even today Muslims returning to their homes face majoritarian resistance from Tamil bureaucrats. 

The story is of course many-sided. Numerous Tamils weeped when their Muslim neighbors left, hiding valuables on their behalf and helping them in what little way they could. But as a whole, the majority community, failed to stand in solidarity and protect the rights of the minority community in their midst. 

The expulsion occurred because the LTTE was unable to accept a society based on equality and freedom; they were unable to accept that North was multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious. They were unable to celebrate diversity. They were even unable to have the basic decency to give the community they exiled a few extra days or weeks to leave and to take their heirlooms and title deeds with them. 

The racism and majoritarianism undergirding the LTTE’s expulsion of Muslims from the North is not something isolated to the Tamil community. It prevails to this day among all communities in our society. Just as the LTTE was unable to accept a multi-ethnic North, extremists in the South are unable to celebrate our country’s diversity - much the less accept that Tamils, Muslims, Burghers and Malays are as much a part of Sri Lanka as the Sinhalese. 

Especially since the end of the war, which should have ushered introspection, magnanimity and healing, majoritarianism in the South raised its ugly head. The government indulged in an orgy of triumphalism based on equating Sri Lanka’s identity with the Sinhala-Buddhist community, and relegated the minority communities to the place of unwanted guests. 

They ignored the grievances of those in the North and the South and trampled on their rights. The Aluthgama Pogrom and the hundreds of smaller attacks surrounding it were a clear signal to minorities that they were not only second-class citizens but that the state had abdicated from discharging its basic responsibilities towards them, including safeguarding their person and property. 

In fact, it is this scourge of majoritarianism that is at the very centre of our post-Independence failure to build a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka that is united and undivided both on the map and in its citizens’ hearts and minds. Each and every ethnic, religious, class and caste group discriminates and oppresses in areas where they form a majority whether it be in the North, South, East or West.  

At this critical moment in Sri Lanka’s history the lessons of the expulsion have much to teach us. Since Independence we have failed to establish a society where all citizens feel equal and free and, as a result, instead of peace, conflict has prevailed.  

The end of the war presented a historic opportunity for all our communities and leaders to demonstrate true leadership by breaking away from the past and beginning the task of building a truly united Sri Lanka.  Just as Muslims and Tamils lived together as brothers and sisters in the North for centuries; prior to Independence in 1948, Sri Lanka had many centuries of ethnic amity and peace. 

Of course, there were disturbances, like the 1915 riots, but they were isolated and rare. Even before the colonial era, Sri Lanka enjoyed a highly syncretic culture – there is evidence that Buddhism was widely practiced by the Tamils of Jaffna, Tamil was spoken by the kings of Kandy and there are some indications that the language of court was Tamil; Muslims generally speak both Sinhalese and Tamil and thus it could be argued that they are the most Sri Lankan of all the ethnic groups. They were also functionaries at the Dalada Maligawa and participated in the Kandy Esala Perahera. The religious and cultural practices of Sri Lanka’s many communities indicate a high degree of tolerance and borrowing. 

We need to understand why that amity broke down, and why it broke down to the extent that war and violence followed. 

The challenge for us today is to learn from our past failures, remedy mistakes and move forward. This is a rare opportunity we cannot miss. Speaking in Parliament last Friday I said, “Sri Lanka has yet another window of opportunity to come to terms with its past and move on. Extremists in the North and in the South have been defeated in the recent elections, two of the most liberal minded leaders since independence are leading the country and the two main parties, for the first time in history, have formed a national unity government. This is a moment we cannot afford to lose.” 

But it will not be an easy or a pleasant process: we will have to look critically at our own faults and strive hard to hear the voices of others. It will require courage and commitment. But I am confident it can be done. 

The TNA recently announced that it would be leading its own community in a process of introspection. The SLMC, welcoming this statement, indicated that it would do so as well. The National Government comprising of both the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party have committed themselves to guiding the entire country in this difficult process of dealing with the past. 

As for the Government of Sri Lanka – as you are aware- we are now beginning to lay the foundations for peace and reconciliation through truth-seeking, accountability, reparations and non-recurrence. Already the Office of National Unity and Reconciliation, the Ministry of Resettlement and other government agencies are taking steps to assist in this process, and just yesterday I met with civil society, including representatives of the Muslim community, to discuss the consultations process necessary to design the mechanisms to implement this process.

Muslims will be an integral part of the truth, justice, reparations and non-recurrence process.  Muslims’ grievances and concerns will be a part of the consultations, design and operationalization of the domestic mechanisms; including the Commission for Truth, Justice, Reconciliation and Non-recurrence, the Judicial Mechanism, the Office of Missing Persons and the Office of Reparations. Together with the Ministries and government agencies, these mechanisms, will provide much needed relief to the daily struggle of the thousands of Muslims who remain in IDP camps, are struggling to return to their homes or are dealing with the losses of loved ones. 

These mechanisms will not only address the suffering and grievances of members of the Muslim community, they will also address the grievances and concerns of members of the Sinhala and Tamil communities and the concerns of other minority groups. 

At this historic moment, let us not be afraid to engage in meaningful dialogue aimed at finding solutions to problems as opposed to pointing fingers, heaping blame and scoring political points at the expense of future generations. Let us design, define and create our future by our hopes and aspirations, and not be held back by the fears and prejudices of the past. Let us not be afraid to dream.

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by     (2015-10-30 11:46:58)

Nava Sama Samaja leader questions Mano Ganeshan

Oct 30, 2015

Nava Sama Samaja leader questions Mano Ganeshan what kind of discussion with the Prime Minister was held in connection with the release of political prisoner question.

National Forum cabinet minister Mano Ganeshan have discussed with the Prime Minister to release political prisoners.  Dr. Karunarathne questioned from his "road standing together," comrade as to the answer for the perennial question from that conference.

 

Did he fight for the release of political prisoners during the discussion, what was the reason for him to retreat; that he would ask the Minister expecting an answer from Mano Ganeshan, said Dr. Vickramabahu on 29 NSSP office Thursday at a press conference.

 

Opposition Leader

 

Nava Sama Samaja Leader, asked opposition Leader Sambanthan whether they are ready to move ahead with the talks with the government, without resolving the issue of releasing political prisoners.

 

Minister in charge of law and order, prison reform Tilak Marapana said that Tamil political prisoners will not get a common amnesty.

 

He and Mano Ganeshan had told them that the government was looking  in to giving bail.

 

Sinhala rebels

 

Dr. Karunarathne blamed that there is discrimination between Sinhala and Tamil rebels. Sinhala rebels too were involved in criminal acts, but they were all considered to be political prisoners and freedom of political prisoners was given.

 

It is obvious that the treatment is unfair, NSSP leader said.

Extremist Voices Can be Marginalized Only by Implementing Geneva Resolution – Sumanthiran

30/10/2015

Thank you, Hon. Presiding Member. As I begin, I must put on record and correct certain misapprehensions that some Members seem to be harbouring with regard to our Party’s position in respect of this Resolution. I will read out the statement that we issued on the day the Resolution was adopted. It states, I quote: “The Tamil National Alliance welcomes the passage of today’s resolution on Sri Lanka at the Human Rights Council.”
We have welcomed it.

Extremist Voices Can Be Marginalized Only by Implementing Geneva Resolution – Sumanthiran by Thavam Ratna

Lanka Mulls Bail For Tamils Held Under Terror Act

Oct 30, 2015

The Ranil Wickremesinghe government is open to the idea of allowing Tamils held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to get bail, the Minister for National Dialogue on ethnic issues Mano Ganeshan told Express here on Wednesday.

Ganeshan said that those under trial and those detained without any charges having been filed against them yet, could be enlarged on bail. But those who had been convicted could be released only by the President of the country. Releasing convicts is a Presidential prerogative, he explained.

However, the Commissioner of Prisons, Rohana Pushpakumara told this correspondent that there is no one in detention now without a charge. Forty eight have been convicted and are serving a sentence, 116 have cases against them in High Courts and 62 in Magistrates ‘courts. According to the Minister of Justice, Wijedasa Rajapakse, there are no “political prisoners” in Sri Lanka and those alluded to as “political prisoners” are those held under PTA.

Asked if bail could be granted to a person in detention under PTA, senior lawyer K.Neelakandan said that bail is possible.”The courts have wide powers,” he said.

About 150 of the Tamil detained had gone on a fast unto death earlier this month but had broken it when the Minister of Justice assured them that government will find a solution to their problem by November 7. The government is mulling a less stringent anti-terror law.

The prisoners and Tamil political parties have been demanding a “general amnesty” for persons held during the war for political reasons. But the government has said that a general amnesty is not possible as the detainees are in prison for terror related offenses, and not political offenses as such. The Tamils’ argument that Sinhalese militants held for the insurgencies of 1971 and 1989 were released without much ado, has fallen on deaf ears. The Tamils have pointed out that following the India-Lanka Accord of 1987 Tamil militant detainees were also given a general amnesty. But the government is unmoved with Sinhalese extremist groups saying that letting off PTA detainees will only revive the movement for an independent Tamil Eelam.

- http://www.newindianexpress.com/ -

No difference between MR and MS: IUSF

2015-10-30
The Inter University Students Federation (IUSF) today condemned the manner in which the police handled the demonstration by students of the Higher National Diploma in Accountancy (HNDA) where several students were injured. 

The IUSF said President Maithripala Sirisena’s governance was no different to that of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa when considering the manner in which they were handling student agitation.

 IUSF convener Lahiru Weerasekara said they had no problems with the police and the police behaved in an unruly manner not because they wanted to but because they were ordered to do so by the education authorities.

“For his political campaign, President Sirisena had used the photographs and video footage of our members being beaten by the police during the Rajapaksa regime. He had even appeared in advertisements promising to end the brutal and aggressive manner in which the police acted towards students. We don't see any difference between the two presidents. When we inquired from Western Province Senior DIG Pujitha Jayasundara he said he was not aware as to what happened. The President is likely to tell the people that he too was unaware of what happened. This is how the so-called 'Yahapalanaya' is functioning after pledging to protect free education and students rights,” Mr. Weerasekara said. 

The HNDA students began their protest march from the Fort Railway Station supported by the IUSF and IUBF (Inter-University Bikkhu Federation) demanding that the the diploma be similarly recognised as the Bachelor of Commerce degree. 

Equal recognition was granted in 1990 but the Mahinda Rajapaksa government issued a circular cancelling the degree status provided to it. 

Mr. Weerasekara said the police and the anti riot squad had unleashed a brutal attack on the students including girls and Buddhist monks by firing tear gas, using water cannons and baton charging them. He said they would complain against this inhuman act to the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission and continue their struggle till these matters have been resolved.

 Police Media Spokesperson Ruwan Gunasekara rejected the allegations made against the police and said they were only performing their duty to maintain law and order.

 Meanwhile, the 39 students who were arrested on Thursday were granted bail by the Colombo Chief Magistrate today. 

The IUSF said eight students were still under treatment at the Colombo National Hospital..