
Gen.
Fonseka was freed, not because Mahinda got a sudden urge to embrace
democracy. The former Army Commander and defeated presidential candidate
Sarath Fonseka was incarcerated for more than two and a half years.
Hence his release appears as one of the populist moves made by the
present regime, at a time when its democratic credentials are being
exposed even internationally and the jailing of the General was seen in
many quarters, both local and foreign, as an act of political revenge.
As far as the middle classes are concerned that stigma has been, to a
great extent, lifted with the presidential pardon.
Under pressure
The partial nature of pardon indicates that it was made grudgingly, and
under pressure, both local and international. However it is very clear
that the Mahinda regime expects a political advantage from this micro
sympathetic act. One thing is clear; the General is not willing to come
under the hegemony of the Ranil

-Sampanthan leadership. He has already indirectly attacked the developing UNP-TNA understanding.
Whatever the reason, the Fonseka pardon is a positive measure, not just
because it enabled the former army commander to return to his family,
but also because it indicates the power of national and international
mass pressure. It is true that the Mahinda regime is a vassal state of
global powers, but it is a mistake to think that the release of General
Fonseka and the agreement to implement LLRC recommendations are entirely
due to western pressure. Mahinda was defeated by the recent protests of
the proletariat; he had to retreat when challenged by the fishermen; he
had to abandon many projects due to struggles of students. The protest
of the VV in Jaffna was some thing that he did not expect. Radical
breakaways from the JVP moving towards the left that accept the right of
self determination, is a surprise to many. Revolutionary forces are
still not very significant; but they are significant enough to create
ruptures in the main political movements.
Lankan parliament
The ‘detailed reconciliation plan’ of Mahinda ,which the US Secretary
of State praised as ‘good’, will be disclosed to the Lankan parliament
and people in the coming period, once the icing is added to the cake!
Clearly Ms. Clinton knew that the Mahinda regime had concealed the
‘plan’ from the Lankan people, because she reportedly urged Minister
Peiris to make it public in both local languages. Mahinda agreed to
that. On the other hand he declared to the Sinhala public, that army
camps will not be withdrawn. Also, he did not mention devolution and
said nothing about anti Muslim pogroms initiated by pro government
Buddhist monks. Clearly there is a growing contradiction within the
Mahinda regime. While a crisis has crept into the ranks of the Mahinda
regime, Ranil has made a strong alliance with the TNA backed by the
Muslim congress. It is in this context that the VV in Jaffna became
important. True, that it was not an oppositional unity among the poor,
oppressed and the minorities; but it was clearly a nightmare for the
regime. Mahinda gang responded with such venom to the VV May Day in
Jaffna because it was a model of a distant united mass action.
New challenge
Some believe that release of general Sarath has created a new challenge
to the opposition. A key issue that will determine the political future
of the General is likely to be the manner in which he deals with the
LLRC report. Will he agree to an independent inquiry on war crimes
allegations against Lanka? This is one of the important issues that have
preoccupied Tamil Diaspora groups, the western governments and human
rights organizations. It may be recalled that in November 2009, before
he had declared his intention to enter the presidential race but after
his falling-out with Mahinda, that he visited US and had discussions
with important people. There is still some mystery as to what exactly
transpired during that visit. When he came back he was firmly committed
to a right wing political programme close to the UNP. Though he opposed
Mahinda, politically there was not much of a difference. Basically, he
condemned Mahinda for fraud and dishonesty. What is his political,
economic and social programme? Will he agree to the anti chauvinist
social democratic programme successfully pursued by Ranil or will he opt
to compromise with Sinhala chauvinism?