A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, July 29, 2012
Presidential Regret Is Certainly Not The Core Question
Protesting
Muslims who thronged Colombo’s streets demanding public attention in regard to
the plight of their community in Mannar are as much a part of the democratic
process as lawyers protesting against the attack on a court house in Mannar and
the Judicial Service Association abstaining from sittings in protest against the
attacks on the Mannar magistrate cum District Judge. There is little to be
perturbed about in such protests. To take a contrary view would be to deny these
protestors, the freedoms of assembly and association which are constitutionally
guaranteed rights.
Proper
remedies against contested orders
Certainly
enormous tensions had been evidenced not only in Mannar but in other area of the
East where both Tamils and Muslims fleeing the conflict in the North or (as the
Muslims were) summarily ejected by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam during
what can only be termed as the ethnic cleansing of the North, have been
‘temporarily’ relocated, leading to dangerously escalated resentment by the
local communities who see their lands and livelihoods being affected on a
‘permanent’ level.
In
the case of Manner and the dispute between the local fisherfolk and the
relocated outsiders, these tensions came to a flash point recently, converging
quite unfortunately on a particular judicial order which though perfectly fair
in its substance, was visited by a mob response. There is after all, a
time-honoured remedy for challenging a judicial order; namely, having it set
aside in appeal. If there was bias or partiality on the part of an officer of a
subordinate court towards a particular party in a case, there is the remedy of
petitioning the Judicial Service Commission. Ordinary realities being such, such
a complaint would have caused more than a ripple in the waters as differentiated
from the ordinary run of complaints wending their painfully slow path to
inquiry. However, these were not the remedies resorted to. On the contrary, we
had a mob throwing stones at a court house and attacking the chambers of a
judge.
Craven
leadership of the Bar
Amidst
the welter of allegations surrounding this incident, the judicial officer
concerned has unequivocally stated on record that he had been threatened by a
government minister. It is basic commonsense to acknowledge that a judicial
officer of the subordinate courts (being Tamil in ethnicity in addition) would
not have resorted to such a complaint against a minister if the circumstances
were not such as to leave no other course of action open to him. Official
records indicate that phone calls had taken place from this minister’s phone to
the judicial officer concerned. Of course, this may well have been to engage in
a friendly chat regarding the excellent quality of prawns available at that time
of the year in Mannar but the possibility of that conversation is rather remote
to say the least.
Circumstantially
moreover, the attack on the court house is hedged around by too many factors
indicating that the mob did not act on its own in engaging in such actions that
would have normally led to severe penalties if there was no assurance of
immunity given by the instigating politicians. These assurances, as we can see
now, are fully justified in actual fact which is a point that we would return to
later.
So
in that context, the filing of contempt of court charges against the minister
concerned in the Court of Appeal this week is a salutary step. The immediate
question that arises however is as to why the petition on contempt of court was
not filed by the President and the leadership of the Bar Association? The
reasons for such abstention may be an open secret on Hulftsdorp Hill but it is
nonetheless a shameful reflection on those who should have been expected to take
the lead. To take refuge in procrastination and prevarication in such a
grave matter is to invite greater disasters in store for the Bench as well as
the Bar. It is as if the executive is being issued an open invitation to do what
it wills with the country’s judiciary. If that is the craven message
that is intended to be given by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, so be
it.
Presidential
assurances not sufficient
As
observed in
these column spaces last week, the very fact that such an incident
took place indicates the enormous deterioration in the political environment vis
a vis the judiciary. Although the attack on the Mannar court house took place
more than a week ago, the suspects have still not been identified despite the
mantra of ‘ongoing investigations’. This was predictable.
Also
as predicted in last week’s column, it was to be expected that the government
would trot out its old refrain of attacks on the judiciary during the time of
the United National Party in the eighties. It is unfortunate however that none
other than President Mahinda Rajapaksa himself thought it appropriate to refer
to these past incidents as if doing so would make the current attack on the
independence of Sri Lanka’s judiciary, less serious. It is quite beside the
point to be ‘saddened’ or ‘regretful’ in regard to the suspicions entertained by
the country’s legal community ‘against a minister of his government’, as the
President has reportedly said early this week. Sadness or regret is not the core
issue.
Neither
are Presidential pronouncements on the Rule of Law and the determination of this
government to ensure that the law is followed, also informed to the country at
large at this meeting. And quite frankly, one cannot make any sense of the
statement further attributed to the President that he is a lawyer and that
‘lawyers work cordially with the judiciary.’ Whatever it may be, Presidential
statements at public meetings do not meet the need for swift action to be taken
against the perpetrators of this attack on a court house and on the chambers of
a judge. The fact that this Presidency is not inclined to engage in such action
appears however to be abundantly clear.
Equal
parts of skepticism and mockery
That
said, political commentators last week advanced the argument that protests by
the legal and judicial fraternity over the Mannar incident will not evoke much
public sympathy given the general silence on the part of the same when basic
rights of innocent people from North to South were trampled upon by this
government. Certainly, there will be empathy from many quarters with this
bitterly articulated point of view. The reneging of their public duties in
upholding the Rule of Law was never more evidenced on the part of the official
and unofficial Bar than during these unhappy times. Some days ago, we saw a
newly appointed Attorney General affirming blithely that the fact that the
Department of the Attorney General comes under the Presidential Secretariat will
not ‘affect their duties’ in any way. Such blithe assurances fall upon an
unbelieving public ear given ample testimony in the past years of politicized
prosecutions as well as the politicized withdrawal of prosecutions under this
administration. As much as grandiloquent Presidential pronouncements on the Rule
of Law are to be scoffed at, these assertions also invoke equal parts of
skepticism and mockery in the face of practical evidence to the contrary.
That
said and conceding all the faults of the legal community in this country and of
the leadership of the Bar (official and unofficial), if public support is not
forthcoming on the larger question of pulling back from the brink even at this
late stage in the wake of the attack on the Manner courts, then the consequences
can only be disastrous for the country as a whole. This must be clearly
acknowledged.