A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, October 29, 2012
On the Politics Of The 13th Amendment
By Surendra
Ajit Rupasinghe -October 28, 2012
President
Rajapakse may very well say, “ If you continue to tighten the rope on
accountability and a political solution , we will say to hell with you- you pack
of hounding hypocrites. We are not about to commit political suicide- both me
personally and politically, but for my family, for my dynasty, just to satisfy
you. The only option left for us is to rely on tried and tested rules and
principles of democratic governance, as we in Lanka know it, – re-conjure up a
blood curdling demon about to devour the people in the form of a resurgent LTTE,
create a situation of crisis and anarchy, create a sense of generalized
instability and insecurity among the masses, apply selective methods of mass
terror and assassination, liquidate all potential threats and centralize
absolute power in the hands of the Executive Presidency. For this, we have to
traverse the beaten path of inflaming communal violence and provoke the masses
to feast on each other’s blood, while we feed on the roast. Come on, we all know
how communal pogroms and genocide play their role in desperate times. We have to
pump the ideology and politics of Sinhala Buddhist supremacy and hegemony into
the blood lines of the Sinhala masses even more ferociously, so we can better
manipulate and exploit them to face the dire hardships and sacrifices they would
have to make on my behalf, and still support me. So, this is our master strategy
to confront the threat posed by Western Imperialist powers. We can be rest
assured that neither China, Russia, Iran nor Pakistan would be concerned about
any human rights violations – genocidal or just simple, run-of-the-mill, routine
atrocities. We share a consensus on these principles of democratic governance.
Even the US, Japan, European and other imperialist powers who dare to challenge
my claim to perpetual, dynastic kingship, share these values of genocidal
governance. They are the true masters of the game. So, let us give them a good
lesson and play their game on our own terms’.
The
call by Mr. Gotabhaya to annul the 13th Amendment , echoed by his blood hounds,
is not a slip of the tongue, some idle, conjectural suggestion. Gotabhaya does
not make such statements on national policy, without official sanction. He knows
that seeking a political solution on the basis of the 13th Amendment would spell
the death-knell of the supremacist project to extend and expand the hegemony of
the Sinhala-Buddhist State throughout the length and breadth of Lanka. Mahinda
knows that any concession to Tamil self-determination, any form of regional or
provincial autonomy-however truncated, any form of devolution of political power
to the Tamil nation-even cosmetic- would bring on a tidal wave of opposition
from within its own chauvinist ranks, including from sections of the armed
forces, and from outside the UPFA. Don’t be misled.Sarath
Fonseka can play the role of the ‘defender of the Motherland’ in
genocidal fashion, equal to, and perhaps even better than the Rajapakse
triumvirate. Spent forces can get energized when the mass electricity is
right-and Mahinda is well aware. The provocations around the 13th Amendment are
a vital part of the survival strategy of the Regime, in the concrete context of
the rising challenge to its hegemony internally, and reinforced by the carefully
graduated tightening of the noose by the US and its allies on the issue of war
crimes.
The
13th Amendment remains a cosmetic and truncated device designed by Rajiv
Gandhi and J.R.
Jayawardene, packaged as the Indo-Lanka Accord. Its purpose was to
disarm and co-opt the LTTE and maintain the stability of the neo-colonial set up
and status quo in the region. Yet, it remains a landmark political victory for
the Tamil National Movement in that it constitutionally recognized: 1. the
political status of the Tamil nation, 2. the parity of status of Sinhala and
Tamil as official languages and 3. The North-East region as the traditional
homeland of the Tamil nation. While these provisions and principles continue to
be defiled and undermined in practice, the Mahinda Rajapakse Regime now finds
that any renewed recognition and application of these provisions and principles
would fatally undermine its chauvinist-militarist political and ideological
hegemony upon which its survival and regeneration solely lies. It has few
options open, and the call to annul the 13th Amendment is to announce that the
future of the Tamil nation will, once again, be held up to be sacrificed at the
alter of the blood-drenched Comprador Capitalist State. Of course, any move to
abolish the 13th Amendment will stoke the flames of separatism as nothing else.
Perhaps it is that the Regime requires a permanent state of undeclared war to
maintain its power. The politics of supremacy gives rise to the politics of
separatism. You do not need to be a rocket scientist to grasp that simple
dialectical logic.
It
is duty of all democratic and progressive forces to rise to the defense of the
right of self-determination of the oppressed Tamil nation, where the fight to
defend the political status and fundamental democratic rights of the Tamil
nation embodied in the 13th Amendment has evolved to be a most decisive
contention.
*The
writer is Secretary: Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist)
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