Wednesday, October 31, 2012



Sri Lanka: A look at the Rajapaksas prior to the UPR

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Guest Column: By Usha Sriskandarajah-Dated 29-Oct-2012
As Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) gets underway on November 1, 2012, the Rajapaksas seem impregnable, their grip on power stronger than ever before.
The Rajapaksas have so much at stake at Sri Lanka’s UPR what with "credible allegations" of War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity hanging over their heads and an awful human rights record to defend, with a poor ‘action plan’ that would not end or investigate abuses. It’s obvious the administration is doing everything to impress the key players selected for the review process but thus far their submissions show that the administration has made very little progress in implementing the recommendations of the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), the main thrust of the resolution passed at the 19th session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC).
The Rajapaksas wield absolute power in Sri Lanka, Theirs is essentially a ‘one family rule’ bolstered by political patronage and the unwavering support of the Sinhala Buddhist Sangha; a dictatorship that has now embraced the extremist Sinhala Buddhist supremacist philosophy as a means of survival; the JHU and JVP now playing only second fiddle.
Nepotism and corruption are the norm in Sri Lanka.
The last ‘US Country Reports on Human Rights Practices’ made particular mention of the ‘family rule’ in Sri Lanka : The government is dominated by the President’s (Mahinda Rajapaksa) family; two of the President’s brothers hold key executive branch posts as defence secretary and the minister of economic development, while a third brother is the speaker of Parliament," the report said.
Additionally Namal Rajapaksa the son is now known to be the anointed successor to the father, Mahinda.
The Rajapaksa brothers and their families together control 70% of the country’s budget. The ‘Divineguma Bill’ that has created much controversy, apart from the much resented 18th amendment, is in itself designed to bolster the executive presidency over provincial councils, increase avenues for amassing more wealth and to fortifying the family’s hold on power.
A statement by the former US Assistant Secretary of State for public affairs, Philip J. Crowley expressing his view on the 18th amendment bulldozed through parliament by the Rajapaksas within a span of day, illustrates the extent of that power: (The 18th amendment) "eliminates term limits for the president and expands the power of the president over independent institutions, including the elections, police, and human rights commissions, as well as the judiciary. The United States is concerned that this constitutional amendment weakens checks and balances and thus undermines the principles of constitutional democracy. The United States calls on the Government of Sri Lanka to promote the principles of good governance, democracy, and independent State institutions.  The United States looks to the government to take measures that will strengthen democracy including appointing appropriately qualified officials to bolster independent institutions, increase transparency, enhance power sharing and dialogue, and promote national reconciliation," the statement held.
During his recent visit to Sri Lanka in September, Robert O’ Blake, the US Assistant Secretary of State expressly mentioning corruption, has called on
Sri Lanka to "cut corruption and create transparent processes for investors and also avoid unpredictable actions such as expropriating property." The resignations of Securities and Exchange Commission Chief Tilak Karunaratne and his predecessor Indrani Sugathadasa are indicative of the corruption that is endemic everywhere in the country. Ahilan Kadirgamar in his article ‘Stock Market Crisis and Oligarchic Interests’ explains the crisis in the stock market, quoting Tilak Karunaratne as blaming "a mafia of high net worth investors and their crony stockbrokers" for his resignation.
Tisaranee Gunasekera for the Sunday Chronicle in an article ‘Corruption as a Tool of Rajapaksa Rule’ exposes some of the irregularities the Rajapaksas and in this case Basil Rajapaksa is involved in: Basil Rajapaksa and "Maga Neguma" (Improving Roads) are accused of by the "Committee on Public Enterprises" (COPE) for "defaulting road-contractors of "a massive Rs 1.2 billion". She writes, "The defrauded contractors have not sought legal redress because they fear Rajapaksa’s ire, according to a COPE member.