A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, January 30, 2013
FR Case To Reflect How Much Of Sri Lanka’s Judicial Independence Has Survived – Motion For Full Bench Filed By CPA
Despite a determination by the Supreme Court as the sole body vested
with the power and authority to interpret the Constitution, and a writ
of Certiorari issued by the Appeal Court quashing purported findings
against Dr. Bandaranayake under the so-called procedure contained in
Parliament Standing Order 78A, the Rajapakse regime purported to exclude
Dr. Bandaranayake from office on the basis of a vote in Parliament,
despite there not being even a Resolution for impeachment on the Order
Paper of Parliament. All that was on the Order Paper was a Resolution
for the appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee to go further
into the matter.
However, despite this serious point of order being raised by the Opposition in Parliament, the Speaker of Parliament Chamal Rajapaksa allowed
a vote to be taken and the vote was carried in the Rajapaksa regime
controlled legislature. A senior political analyst pointed out that the
reason this serious issue of order was overlooked and Parliament
procedure flouted, was the fact that by then, the Rajapaksa regime had
already organised and detailed paid thugs to camp outside the Chief
Justice’s official residence to intimidate and vilify Dr. Bandaranayake
as soon as the Rajapaksa controlled legislature rubber-stamped the
regime’s decision to remove Dr. Bandaranayake from holding office.
Businessmen who had obtained favours from the Government had been
instructed to provide milk rice (‘Kiri Bath’) in their respective areas,
to give the impression of public jubilation at the steps of the Regime
to remove Bandaranayake. If the serious point of order was not summarily
shrugged off, the ‘public show’ organised by the government would have
been an utter failure as the milk rice and paid thugs were already in
place. So, the requirements of political expediency was allowed by the
Speaker to trump the propriety of parliamentary due process.
The Speaker of Parliament is the brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Dr. Bandaranayake issued a ruling holding certain aspects of the
controversial “Divineguma Bill” sponsored by one of the President’s
brothersBasil Rajapaksa,
Minister of Economic Development, after which steps were taken to
hastily impeach Dr. Bandaranayake and remove her from the office of
Chief Justice, in a manner that has drawn strong widespread
international criticism, including from the United Nations, the ICJ, the
Commonwealth, the European Union, United States, United Kingdom,
Australia, Canada. The move was also denounced by Sri Lanka’s
Opposition, the judges’ association (Judicial Services Association –
JSA), Bar Association (BASL) and civil society through strong statements
and actions.
The Rajapaksa regime thereafter proceeded to appoint Mohan Pieris to
function as Chief Justice. Pieris is a controversial character, who is
very close to the Rajapaksa Regime, and especially Gotabhaya Rajapaksa,
a brother of the President who is the Secretary of Defence. Pieris is
dogged by very serious allegations (backed by documentary evidence) of corruption related to his tenure as
Attorney General, which were revealed and published by the media
including The Colombo Telegraph well before his appointment as Chief
Justice. There is also a fundamental rights case pending in the Supreme Court against Pieris.
Notwithstanding all this, Pieris was appointed and installed in the
office of the Chief Justice under heavy security on a day Hulftsdorp was
packed with handpicked police and security personnel to prevent Dr.
Bandaranayake from entering the Supreme Court Complex or attending her
office to perform her duties. Dr. Bandaranayake thereafter issued a
statement affirming that she remains the legal Chief Justice, though she
is prevented by the Regime from functioning as such.
The opposition party Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has lodged a complaint
alleging corruption against Pieris at the Human Rights Commission.
After the enactment of the 18th Amendment, appointments and promotions
to the Supreme Court, Appeal Court and the Human Rights Commission are
made at the exclusive discretion of the President, after the
ascertainment of the views of a toothless Parliamentary Council. The FR
filed by CPA on the day Pieris was installed in Hulftsdorp also sought
to prevent members of this toothless Council members from seeking to
recommend Pieris, given that there is no vacancy for the position of
Chief Justice. However, despite urgency being expressed in the Motion
with which the case was filed and the judges being informed of the
urgency of the matter, the case was not listed for support until after
6th Respondent Pieris was supposedly sworn into office. This was in the
context of Hulftsdorp being overrun by Police and Security personnel,
after the regime purportedly impeached Dr. Bandaranayake in Parliament.
A senior political analyst contacted by The Colombo Telegraph spoke on
condition of anonymity (citing security concerns) and expressed the
following view:
“This case and how it is decided is a litmus test of the degree to which
the seriously undermined besieged judicial independence of the Supreme
Court has been extinguished by the high handed actions of the ruling
regime. Sri Lankans and the international community are following this
case with grave concern. It is now up to any judges who care for
judicial independence to make an impartial ruling, even if it means
facing the same unjust fate as Dr. Bandaranayake without due process. It
is difficult I know, but a sacred duty cast on the judges by the
Constitution itself to uphold the Constitution and thereby the
Sovereignty of the People by ensuring the Rule of Law. Judicial office
is not for the faint-hearted, those afraid of repercussions or enticed
by the carrots of executive favour on themselves or their family
members. Surely, the Supreme Court may have at least a few judges of the
right caliber, at least from among those appointed before the 18th
Amendment. If not, the flame of judicial independence stands snuffed out
at the very top of the judicial system.”
The case is due to be supported on 06.02.2013.
Here is the text of the Motion to the Supreme Court dated 28.01.2013 that has been sent by registered post to all respondents, including the Attorney General and 6th Respondent Mohan Pieris.