A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Thursday, January 31, 2013
The Rajapaksa Search For A Suitable Enemy
Constitutions
cannot resist tyranny. People do; or don’t.
Preventing
the formation of a critical-mass capable of resisting the Rajapaksa- Behemoth
would be of paramount importance for the Ruling Siblings.
An
opposition which unites Lankans across ethno-religious/class-caste divides would
be the ultimate Rajapaksa nightmare. The Siblings would be able to deal with a
Sinhala opposition or a Tamil/Muslim opposition. But a Lankan opposition can
mount an insurmountable challenge to Rajapaksa power. Consequently the Siblings
would want to prevent any collusion between the Sinhala poor/middle-classes
(impoverished by Rajapaksa-economics) and the minorities (disempowered by
Rajapaksa-politics), against the one common enemy.
A
wilfully blind, ignorant and phobic Sinhala nation is
a sine-qua-non for an opposition fragmented along ethno-religious
lines.
The
Sinhalese must not understand that the aim of Rajapaksa politics
is the creation of a Rajapaksa dynasty. The Sinhalese must not realise that the
Rajapaksas’ counter-Robin Hood economic strategy seeks to extract every last
rupee from the poor and the middle-classes to pay for the exhibitionist projects
and orgiastic lifestyles of the Ruling clan.
Most
Sinhala people still have faith in the myth of the Rajapaksa development
miracle. They believe that the hardships they are experiencing are ephemeral,
that an economic Shangri la of Rajapaksa making is just round the next bend.
When an iniquitous price hike cuts them to the bone, they tell themselves that
the Rajapaksas, as vanquishers of the LTTE,
are worthy of blind-trust.
The
LTTE was a serious impediment to the Rajapaksa goal of absolute and permanent
power; thus winning the war was vital to Rajapaksa interests. There is no such
axiomatic nexus between people-friendly development and Rajapaksa rule. On the
contrary; the Rajapaksas are averse to sharing economic benefits (as they are
loath to sharing political power) even with fellow Sinhalese. Their proclivity
for centralisation extends to the economy as well. They regard national assets
(including the exchequer) as their private property, to be used as they wish.
Using financial-stalking horses and dummy-organisations, the Siblings are
acquiring ever larger chunks of the economy. Rajapaksaising the economy is a
necessary and inevitable component of the process of fusing the Lankan state
with the Ruling Family.
The
aim of Rajapaksa politics is Rajapaksa power; the aim of Rajapaksa economics is
Rajapaksa profit.
Take,
for instance, the defence sector which consumes the biggest slice of national
income. According to a recent study on global defence corruption by the
Transparency International, in Sri Lanka, “executive power almost exclusively
controlled the defence sector, including authorising payments that are not
vetted by Parliament or other departments” (Financial Times –
30.1.2013). The report mentions opaque purchases, ‘secret payments’ and
military’s un-scrutinised encroachment of commercial spaces. National defence,
like everything else, has become a Rajapaksa-business, for
Rajapaksa-profit.
The
Siblings are begging the IMF for
another loan of $1 billion (even as they plan to spend Rs.15 billion to build a
mega sports project in Hambantota for
2017 Asian Youth Games). In order to qualify for the IMF loan, the Rajapaksas
will have to impose more indirect taxes and devalue the rupee further (causing
price hikes) while slashing social spending (quantitatively and qualitatively
eroding services indispensable to the poor and the middle classes).
The
withdrawal of the GSP+ is beginning to affect the garment sector, causing
factory closures and job losses. As the Rajapaksas continue to flout democratic
norms and national and international laws in their pursuit of absolute and
permanent power, more economic sanctions will be visited onSri Lanka.
(Incidentally, the cost of these punitive measures will be borne by ordinary
Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims and not the Rajapaksas. The Rajapaksas will not be
daunted by any sanction which does not target them directly, such as a travel
ban on the Ruling clan. Imagine the horror of not being able to go
sightseeing/study/shop in the Imperialist West!)
European
aristocrats sold their own land to maintain their extravagant lifestyles, and
thus dispossessed themselves. The Rajapaksas, in order to maintain their rule,
are selling land belonging to Sri Lankaand thus dispossessing Lankans. Currently
the 13th Amendment is the only law preventing the Siblings from
grabbing any land they please whenever they please. Ere long, the 13th Amendment will
be replaced with the 19thAmendment and
land turned into a centralised subject, amidst the collective ‘patriotic cheers’
of the Sinhala hardliners. After that, the Rajapaksas will be able to
grab-and-sell land to any well-heeled foreigner at will, dispossessing Lankans
(including many Sinhalese) of their homes and livelihoods.
The
Sinhalese must be prevented from seeing this dystopian reality.
As
the Sri Lanka Human Development Report 2012 warned, “Unless more and better jobs
are created, unless the fruits of growth are more evenly distributed…..it might
be difficult to contain social discontent”.
That
discontent must be channelled away from the regime.
Thus
the search for a suitable enemy….
Sowing
National-disunity to Save Rajapaksa Power
A
gaudily opulent public recreational area called the ‘WetlandsPark’ was built in
a public land in Nawala, at the cost of Rs.81 million of public funds. After a
few days of egalitarianism, a ban was imposed on three wheelers and motorcycles
using the car park. By this means, access to the new park was restricted to the
poor/middle classes. The new ‘affluent’ face of the park is visible in the
parked vehicles and the promenading owners.
Religious/racial
populism is needed to hide this anti-popular nature of Rajapaksa rule.
President
of Ecuador Jose Pepe Mujica, addressing the UN, asked, “Is it possible to talk
of solidarity and of ‘being all together’ in an economy based on ruthless
competition?”
In
a county characterised by gross power and wealth imbalances, unity is possible
only in the face of an overarching threat and against an omnipresent
enemy.
For
any despot threats and enemies are indispensable. They enable the normalisation
of the abnormal and the justification of the unjustifiable; they create a siege
mentality, which makes people act in ways which are in total variance with their
humane instincts and enlightened self-interests. Threats and enemies are
invaluable in persuading a populace to acquiesce in their own subjugation; when
people feel threatened, they tend to implement/tolerate deeds they would not
countenance in psychologically less exerted times.
When
fate is not considerate enough to provide a despot with a suitable enemy, he
conjures one.
Take Hosni
Mubarak, Egypt’s self-declared modern day Pharaoh. In 2010, the
Mubarak regime accused a fundamentalist Islamic group (linked to Al-Qaeda) for a
drive-by shooting in Nag Hammadi and the bombing of the Al-Qiddisine church in
Alexandria. Subsequent information indicates that these attacks were
orchestrated by the Mubarak regime. “The diplomatic papers, first cited by
Al-Arabiya Arabic news channel, allege that former interior minister Habib
El-Adly established a black ops unit in 2004, supervised by 22 security
officers, with drug dealers, Islamic militants and security personnel on its
payroll. The unit’s role: carry out false flag acts of provocation and sabotage
around the country aimed at diverting people’s attention away from the regime’s
corruption and unpopular political manoeuvres” (IPS/ICH –
13.3.2011).
As
economic conditions worsen, the Rajapaksa-need for a suitable enemy will
intensify. Who better than a racial/religious other?