A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, February 2, 2013
MR Finishing JR’s Relay, Bodu Bala Sena At Temple Trees, And Fire-Walking Over The Jaffna Public Library
The
government is reportedly preparing a new amendment (19A) to the Constitution to
confer legal power to Standing Orders and limit the term of office of Chief
Justice to three years. After removing the term limit on the presidency which is
fundamental to constitutional democracy through 18A, the government seems now
set to enact 19A to limit the tenure of the Chief Justice which is fundamental
to judicial independence. The new amendment will also put to rest the Supreme
Court’s recent determination that laws and Standing Orders are not the same in
exercising judicial power.
Whatever
else it may be lacking the present regime is quite resourceful in trickery and
cunning. It knows it cannot fool all the people all the time but it has mastered
the art of fooling those who matter at times when they matter. The government
has fooled Ranil
Wickremasinghe into supine silence by showing him how the 1978
Constitution could be manipulated even more perversely than it was manipulated
by Ranil’s own UNP some thirty years ago, and making him hope that he could
benefit from all these manipulations when his turn finally comes to be
President. So fooled, the Leader of the Opposition is aiding and abetting the
government’s every misdoing instead of exposing the misdoings and rallying
opposition to them.
More
importantly, the government has fooled everyone who bravely opposed the UNP’s
constitutional machinations in times past to fall into silence, submission or
cynical indifference at this time. The President himself and a good number of
government parliamentarians were diehard opponents of everything the UNP did
between 1977 and 1994, and it was their solemn promise under the victorious
People’s Alliance banner in 1994 to clean up the mess created by the UNP. They
even brought forward an alternative constitution bill in 2000 for that very
purpose. Now they have fooled themselves into believing that the People’s
Alliance was wrong in 1994 and 2000, and JR
Jayewardene and the UNP were right in 1978. Not just right, but Just
and Right; remember “Dharmista Society”, it is now finally in sight! Mahinda
Rajapaksa is doing the last lap in the constitutional relay started
by JR Jayewardene.
The
UPFA government members are now the biggest defenders of the letter and the
spirit of the 1978 UNP Constitution. They swore by the spirit of that
constitution to fire Chief Justice Shirani
Bandaranaike, and they rose on their hind legs in parliament to
defend the indefensible by insisting on the letter of that selfsame
constitution. The courts got it wrong, they said, in showing the difference
between law and Standing Orders; the judges missed that little conjunction ‘OR’
between law and Standing Orders, they said; and the judges may not have been
among his better pupils piped GL
Peiris – the former Dean of Law now turned chief parliamentary
philistine. And now to prove their point and to entrench it further, the
government is preparing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution. How
clever, how cunning, how innovative!
The
Bodu Bala Sena
Apart
from constitutional amendments, the other favourite implement of the government
to plough its way through mud is the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC). The
President has many uses for the PSC although he has no use for Parliament’s
intended role in the Constitution. He has used PSC as the stock excuse for his
government’s action and inaction in regard to finding the elusive ‘political
solution’ or the ever receding ‘national reconciliation.’
In
one instance, the PSC would be the government’s line of exclusion so as to avoid
any meaningful direct discussion with the TNA. In
other instances, as in the treatment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake, the
PSC could be the hired gun to blast away every known norm and process, legal as
well as conventional, to achieve the government’s goal. And yet in another
instance, the PSC could become the inclusive red carpet to welcome and celebrate
political stormtroopers such as the Bodu
Bala Sena.
In
a revealing exchange in parliament, when the Buddha Sasana Deputy Minister (one
of several DMs appointed by the President) rejected an Opposition
Parliamentarian’s concern over the ‘rise in religious fundamentalism in the
country’, senior minister Nimal
Siripala de Silva promptly contradicted the dumb DM and clarified the
government’s position on the matter: “The President and the Government are
concerned. We must put aside political differences and address this issue
promptly.” The good minister then pulled one from the President’s hat: “a
special Parliamentary Select Committee would be set up to address growing
concerns on the rise in racial intolerance and religious fundamentalism in the
country”.
But
in this instance the President could not wait for the PSC circus. Bodu Bala Sena
is apparently more important to the President than the TNA, and more precious to
him than a Chief Justice. So the leaders of Bodu Bala Sena were invited to a
special presidential audience at the Temple Trees. Accompanying the President
were Basil
Rajapaksa, Dinesh Gunawardena, Udaya Gammanpila of the Jathika Hela
Urumuya and President’s Secretary, Lalith Weerathunge. Nimal Siripala de Silva
who spoke for the government in parliament did not make the cut to Temple
Trees.
“We
have come through the vicissitudes of a thirty year old conflict. Now we must
move to live together as one nation” the President reportedly reminded the Bodu
Bala Sena representatives. It is like asking predators to spare their victims
from harm. The President is not promoting national reconciliation by giving
national prominence to an organization seen by many as the principal instigator
of the campaign of violence against Muslims in various parts of the country. If
at all the Sena would view the meeting with the President as a sign of
presidential endorsement and encouragement of the Sena’s activities, and not as
an invitation to join him in achieving reconciliation with the Tamils and the
Muslims.
The
truth of the matter is that the government has learnt nothing politically from
what led to the war that ended with the defeat of the LTTE four years ago. It
has also forgotten everything that the country went through during the war. It
would be too much to expect this government to learn anything from the very
relevant and contrasting experiences in India. India offers the progressive
experience of constitutional and political secularism, as well as the communal
antitheses stirred by Hindu fundamentalist organizations such as the RSS
(Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) and the Shiv Sena.
Jathika
Hela Urumaya (JHU) and Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) are local Buddhist variants of the
Indian Hindu fundamentalist prototypes. No major political party in India other
than the BJP would have any truck with the two fundamentalist organizations. In
Sri Lanka, the two main political parties are falling over each other to curry
favour with the likes of JHU and BBS. For the government, the JHU and BBS are
political stormtroopers to mobilize local support against pressures from the
international community over the government’s record over human rights, postwar
failure to achieve a political solution, and now the sacking of the Chief
Justice.
Just
as the government has emasculated and neutralized the UNP opposition locally, it
has also mastered the art of playing the national population against the
international community. Come March and the government will weather the storm at
the UNHRC sessions in Geneva not by making a fool of itself by endlessly arguing
as it did last time, but by simply agreeing with whatever it is told in Geneva
and later doing nothing about it. The government has not only grown a thick
hide, as a national editor recently remarked, it has also two powerful armours
in JHU and BBS to protect its backside.
The
Jaffna Public Library
For
the government, the defeated LTTE is not quite dead. The government sees a tiger
in everyone who criticizes it over any of its actions. One does not have to be a
Tamil to be a tiger in the government’s eyes. Even Shirani Bandaranayke was
accused of being a tiger lover because she had a Tamil lawyer. In that sense,
the government has achieved reconciliation of sorts, the wag might argue.
Recently, the government received an unexpected shot in the arm for its tiger
paranoia with a revisionist attribution of the burning of the Jaffna Public
Library to the LTTE.
Through
the genre of a memoir a retired police officer has leaked for the first time
what must have been the best-kept police secret for thirty two years: that it
was the LTTE that burnt the Jaffna Public Library in 1981. The revisionist
revelation has moved the emotionally vulnerable to fire-walk down memory lane
with flailing arms and chanting mea culpa. There is no need for those of us who
lived through that period and contributed to the recording of the sad events of
that time by organizations such as MIRJE and CRM, to bother with exposing the
spuriousness of a belated police leak. My purpose, rather my question, is
something else. What hope in hell could there be for any kind of reconciliation,
when even long gone events are revisited for the purpose of falsifying without
any sensitivity at all to the hurt and humiliation that it will cause to those
who suffered those events and have survived the war?
