A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, February 27, 2013
The Fog Of War
Last
week, we were once again forced to think about what happened at the end of the
war, with Channel
Four releasing a preview of its latest documentary, ‘No Fire
Zone‘, and the director, Callum
Macrae, promoting it in interviews with newspapers and television
stations around the world.
In
principle, this should be a good thing.
Nobody
should be left to think that getting rid of the LTTE was
easy. The Government made a huge mistake in presenting its military campaign as
a ‘humanitarian operation’ with ‘zero civilian casualties’. In the first place,
this was a propaganda disaster, since everybody who had to be persuaded that the
war shouldn’t be abandoned knew that it couldn’t possibly be true, on the very
obvious basis of experience throughout the world and throughout history. It
simply goaded people like Channel Four to try to catch them out.
It
is a mystery to me why people claim that the Government was brilliant at
propaganda. In fact, its spokesmen often said absolutely ridiculous things. If
they had toned down their rhetoric and explained that despite the massive
difficulties posed by the tactics adopted by the LTTE, they were doing their
level best to avoid unnecessary death and destruction, they would have avoided
an awful lot of trouble.
Whether
or not that is true is another matter.
But
secondly, in the process of their totally foolish attempt to deceive one group
of people, they actually managed to convince another.
Hence
there are now Sri Lankans who don’t even need to look at photos of Prabhakaran’s
12 year-old son or senior commander Colonel
Ramesh to be completely sure that they have been faked – their forces
couldn’t possibly be responsible for excesses. They have developed a kind of
superiority complex, since they are equally sure of the failings of other
countries (particularly America).
Ironically,
it is the existence of such a body of opinion that motivates the well-meaning
among the international community to keep pushing for an investigation into war
crimes.
Of
course the international community is not all well-meaning, but even people with
ulterior motives have to keep up appearances. They have to present arguments
that make them look as though they have the best interests of humanity uppermost
in their minds, for their actions require at least a veneer of legitimacy.
(America
is particularly good at that.)
This
motivation was clearly visible in the interview given by Navi Pillay to The
Sunday Times this week. The UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights said that a war crimes investigation
was needed to achieve reconciliation and to prevent impunity. In essence, she
argued that Sri Lankans won’t be able to live together without addressing war
crimes allegations and that ignoring war crimes allegations increases the risk
that both they and others will be subject to excesses in future.
Telling
such people to get lost is no doubt tremendous fun for Wimal
Weerawansa, but the rest of us could probably manage a slightly more
thoughtful response.
Are
we really for impunity and against reconciliation? Because this is how it
looks.
It
is my contention that under normal circumstances, Sri Lankans would be far more
concerned about these issues than Channel Four or anybody else. The country has
undergone two bloody rebellions in the South and one in the North and East, in
the process of which several hundred thousand people have been killed. In the
North and East, memories are fresh, but they have not faded much in the South
either – virtually everybody over the age of 30 or 35 saw the bodies with their
own eyes, often including those of their own family and friends. They know about
war crimes, unlike people in Britain, most of whom have not lived through
anything even vaguely comparable.
They
must also have noticed that these things keep happening to them. They are the
ones who have to worry about precedents being set, since precedents are far more
likely to affect what goes on in their country than what goes on in
London.
They
know that they have to live together or die together.
However,
wartime is abnormal, and it is hardly surprising that the majority put these
thoughts out of their minds when the LTTE was around.
What
Channel Four and others fail to see is that the way in which they conduct
themselves results in the perpetuation of this wartime mentality, so that every
new revelation achieves the exact opposite of what it should.
Take
the photos of Balachandran. From the clip of ‘No Fire Zone’ that was played for
MPs in Delhi on Friday, it was not clear whether there is proof that his
murderers were from the Army. I expect that there isn’t, since the article in
The Independent that first drew attention to them doesn’t mention it. However,
there is very little doubt that he was murdered by somebody.
This
is appalling.
But
nobody in Sri Lanka is appalled, or if they are they don’t want to admit to it,
despite the fact that he was a 12-year old child.
Neither
are they appalled by the much stronger evidence regarding the death of Colonel
Ramesh.
Why?
Because ‘No Fire Zone’ is perceived as being part of an effort aimed not at
achieving reconciliation and preventing impunity, but at punishing Mahinda
Rajapaksa.
Namini
Wijedasa said as much to Navi Pillay. She pointed out that the documentary is
being released to coincide with the sessions of the UN Human Rights Council, as
has become the pattern. She asked whether it would be fair to describe this as a
‘conspiracy’ against the Government, to which Navi Pillay gave the standard
well-meaning answer, that it is not a ‘conspiracy’ but a ‘campaign’, and that
there is nothing wrong with campaigning.
There
is indeed nothing wrong with campaigning, but if that ‘campaign’ or ‘conspiracy’
comes across as being aimed at dislodging Mahinda Rajapaksa, it is rather
foolish to expect Sri Lankans to support it, since they are still very grateful
to him for finishing the generation long conflict. And if Sri Lankans don’t want
to get rid of Mahinda Rajapaksa, he is not going anywhere.
To
be clear, if Mahinda Rajapaksa is responsible for war crimes, he should be
punished. But the only people who can punish him are Sri Lankans.
So
long as calling for a war crimes investigation makes Sri Lankans want to rally
behind the Government, there is absolutely no point in doing it. Indeed, it is
counterproductive.
It
is not simply a matter of looking at the evidence.
If
the Army Commander or the Defence
Secretary ordered the murder of Prabhakaran’s 12-year old son,
Colonel Ramesh or anybody else, I don’t know whether there can ever be justice,
but I am very sure that it will not be Navi Pillay who decides. This is in fact
how it should be. Justice is not so straightforward. If Navi Pillay got her way
and a war crimes investigation were launched against the will of the majority,
Sri Lanka would be thrust even further into chaos than it has meandered by
itself.
Practically,
the only way to move things in the right direction is to demonstrably have no
ulterior motives.
Callum
Macrae should think about it.
*Kath
Noble’s column may be accessed online at http://kathnoble.wordpress.com/. She
may be contacted atkathnoble99@gmail.com.