A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, March 30, 2013
Responding to Geneva by Exemplary Restitution
The
shrillness with which political parties in Tamil Nadu have espoused the cause of
Sri Lankan Tamils, with Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa setting a dangerous
precedent by seeking UN intervention for a referendum to partition the island
nation, contrasts sharply with their deafening silence on the plight of the
Tamil minority in Malaysia. Though Malaysian Tamil leader P Waythamoorthy has
been on hunger strike since March 10, 2013, to protest against the indifference
of the ruling Barisan Nasional and opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition towards
the plight of the Indian poor, there has not been a word of support from any
regional or national political party in India.
Hindraf
chairperson launched his ‘hunger viratham’ (water only) as part of a bid to draw
national and international attention to the fact Malaysia’s system of electoral
democracy entrenches the marginalisation of minority groups by the numerically
and economically superior ethnic groups. To counter this in-built racism,
Hindraf proposes a blueprint comprising a five-year action plan to end minority
alienation, which it wants the Government led by Najib Razak and opposition
coalition led by Anwar Ibrahim to endorse. Hindraf wants a Minority Affairs
Ministry to address the problems of all marginalised communities.
For
this, it hopes to make the Tamil vote count in the national and provincial
Assembly elections this year. The core demand is repudiation of Article 153 of
the Malaysian constitution which establishes Malay supremacy in the Islamic
nation. Hindraf wants a secular state.
Hindraf’s
blueprint calls for comprehensive government action to uplift over eight lakh
internally displaced estate workers (DEW) who have been forcefully pushed to
form a new urban underclass and lumped together with other Indian poor. These
descendants of Tamil indentured labour during the British Raj not only lost
their homesteads and livelihoods when evicted from the rubber estates and
plantations in past decades, but suffered fragmentation of the communities and
massive destruction of their clan temples.
The
affirmative action proposed by Hindraf covers other races (such as Chinese) if
they too are displaced estate workers or descendants of such workers. It
proposes allocating land to DEWs under a contract farming programme, developing
a housing programme for them, empowering DEW youth through training and skills
programmes, and building places of worship and granting burial grounds for them.
In like manner, the Hindraf blueprint extends to non-Indians affected by denial
of adequate and equal educational opportunities or subjected to unequal
employment and business opportunities.
A
major concern highlighted by Hindraf over the years is the crisis of over
350,000 stateless Indians, that is, those denied birth certificates by the
authorities, those without MyKads (full Malaysian citizenship status), and those
without blue identity cards. It wants all stateless Indians without MyKads to be
given full Malaysian citizenship status immediately. Those without MyKad and
birth certificate should be permitted a simplified requirement of having just
two other fellow Malaysians submit affidavits regarding their personal knowledge
of the birth and parentage of the applicant. Finally, the Government must
permanently simplify registration procedures to prevent the extension of the
current situation of statelessness. The problem of stateless Indians is not
exclusive to Tamil Hindus but extends to those of mixed parentage and will also
help Chinese holders of red identification cards (ICs).
Other
serious concerns include custodial deaths of Indian detainees, and the
perception that the Royal Malaysian Police behave with impunity while
maltreating detainees from the community. Hindraf favours establishment of an
Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission to manage the uniformed
services; implementation of effective measures to curb extra-judicial killing in
custody. It claims these will benefit all Malaysians equally as they transcend
racial and religious boundaries.
The
hunger strike has now been on for 20 days, and Waythamoorthy’s physical
condition has weakened considerably, as he also has a heart condition and is a
hypertensive diabetic. Waythamoorthy is a tireless campaigner for the human
rights of his people. He came into the limelight when, on November 25, 2007, he
brought over 30,000 (some claim 100,000) Indians on to the streets of Kuala
Lumpur in defiance of a ban on public rallies, to protest against five decades
of oppression and marginalisation of the community.
The
rally followed the arrest of Waythamoorthy and leading Hindraf members, M
Manoharan, P Uthayakumar and V Ganabatirau, on October 30, 2007, for
participating in a protest against the demolition of a Hindu shrine in Kuala
Lumpur. They were released after two days. But on November 23, Waythamoorthy and
Uthayakumar and Ganabatirau were arrested on charges of sedition. They were
granted bail, but Waytha refused bail in protest against the arrest. On November
26, the court discharged all three men because the prosecution had failed to
adhere to the judge’s instructions to attach the Tamil transcripts of their
speeches to the charge sheet.
After
a four and half year exile in the UK, Waythamoorthy returned to Malaysia in
August 2012, to help the Human Rights Party make an electoral debut. He has
actively engaged with the ruling party and the Opposition coalition for a seat
arrangement. Observers say that if the Opposition does not accede the request
for certain seats at the national and provincial level, the Indian vote may be
lost to both formations, which would give a de facto advantage to the ruling
Barisan Nasional.