A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Thursday, July 25, 2013
30 Years Later, Sri Lanka at a Political Crossroads
On July 23 1983, rioting spread across the country with mobs of
Sinhalese targeting Tamil homes and businesses. The violence was in
response to a deadly ambush in Jaffna by the LTTE which killed 13
soldiers. In the space of one week it is estimated that hundreds of Sri
Lankan Tamils were killed, thousands fled the country and numerous Tamil
youth in the North and East joined separatist groups.
This was but a precursor to the 26-year civil war that would follow,
which saw greater violence against all ethnic groups and a further
division of an already volatile country.
Now, with the opportunity to build a lasting peace on the doorsteps of
the country, political turmoil is threatening to once again plunge Sri
Lanka in to a greater ethnic crisis.
Sri Lanka's coalition government has been unable to restart the stalled
reconciliation efforts with the country's minorities. Proposed
constitutional change in the wake of what has been a delayed
announcement of the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections has left
domestic and international observers questioning the regime's
dedication to the process.
The announcement this year that
the Northern Province would vote in its first ever Provincial council
was greeted with guarded enthusiasm. For the minority Tamils living in
the Jaffna peninsula, the creation of a Provincial Council would give
them their first taste of self-governance.
The creation of Provincial Councils in Sri Lanka followed the signing of
the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987. Through the introduction of the 13th
Amendment to the constitution, the rule of provincial councils (PCs) was
written in to law. This was an initiative to devolve certain powers to
the provinces, in hope that it would end the ongoing civil war in the
country. By 1988 eight provincial councils had been elected, with the
Northern and Eastern provinces being administered by a single provincial
council (the North-East Provincial Council).
In 1990, the chief minister of the North-East Provincial Council (NEPC),
Annamalai Varatharajah Perumal, moved a motion in the council to
declare the region independent of the central government.
Sri Lanka's President, Ranasinghe Premadasa, dissolved the PC and
imposed direct rule of the region from the capital. It was not until
2008 that the Eastern Province was demerged from the NEPC and allowed to
hold its own provincial council elections.
Now, in 2013, Sri Lanka will see the first ever North Provincial Council
elections in the country. On the surface this a step forward after 26
years of ethnic unrest that saw the region isolated from the rest of the
country.
Yet the nationalist parties have expressed reservation about
holding an election in the North until alterations have been made to
the 13th Amendment. As has been expected the fallout from these demands
has been widespread. Locally, members of the opposition and senior Ministers of the ruling coalition have both voiced concerns over these attempts to dilute the amendment. Internationally, Sri Lanka's big brother to the north, India, has warned the
government that unless they implement the 13th Amendment fully, and go
further, Sri Lanka could not rely on their further support.
While India's support for the ruling regime has been sparse in the
recent past, as seen through their decision to vote against Sri Lanka at
the UNHRC summit this year, further isolation would be disastrous.
The government will be under heavy scrutiny in the lead up to the 2013
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, which Sri Lanka is to host in
November. Any further show of disapproval by India towards their
neighbor at this event will result in Sri Lanka dropping further in its
international standings.
While the ruling coalition continues to maintain a comfortable 2/3rd
majority in Parliament, those in the opposition who have voiced their
dissatisfaction have been left screaming at a wall. However, it is the
dissent from within the government, with the leaders of the Leftist
parties and senior ministers contesting the government's intentions,
that poses the largest threat.
These individuals have claimed that the government is threatening to
repeat the mistakes of the past by not effectively devolving power to
the minorities through the Provincial Councils. According to the
constitution land, police and taxation powers will all fall under the
purview of these Councils.
Supporters of the devolution of power have argued that only when police
powers are governed by a local council that law and order can prevail.
The language barrier that exists in the country, the majority in the
North and East speak Tamil while the rest of the country converses in
Sinhala, has led to concerns that a centrally controlled police force
would not be able to confer in the locally spoken dialect.
However, opposition to the 13th Amendment has arisen from fears that any
separation from the central government would encourage fresh demands
for a separate state. Those who have made demands for a dilution of the
amendment accept devolution of power can take place, provided it is done
in a closely monitored and limited manner.
While these concerns may be justified, skepticism arises from the fact
that several Provincial Council elections have been held since the
conclusion of the war without any similar arguments being aired.
Sri Lanka has paid the highest price to achieve the peace it now enjoys.
Yet the state of affairs in the country does not allow for the
justification of such a price. The inability of politicians to do what
has been asked of them by the people has left the country threatening to
squander the bloodied peace that was achieved.