A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, July 28, 2013
Thirty years on: Remembering Black July
July 26, 2013, 8:49 pm
By M. A. Sumanthiran-Member of Parliament-Tamil National Alliance
The importance of remembering such atrocities cannot be underestimated.
It is only remembrance of such tragedy that will, one hopes, ensure that
such horrors will never again take place. It is only such remembrance
that will ensure that action is taken to prevent Sri Lanka ever having
to face yet another ‘Black July’.
It is, however, most unfortunate that we, as Sri Lankans, have not
seemed to come very far from ‘Black July’. Instead of dealing with, and
eradicating the root causes of the conflict, we seem to be intent on
exacerbating them. Today, more than four years after the end of a bloody
war, reconciliation amongst Sri Lanka’s peoples is still very far away.
In fact, sadly, 30 years later, not much has changed.
Black July was widely recognised as a genocidal act unleashed against
the Tamil people; as Sri Lanka’s holocaust. This was recognised as
Genocide not merely because a large number of Tamil people were killed
and injured, but also because assets and property owned by Tamils –
Tamil homes and businesses – were attacked and demolished. Thirty years
on, we are still seeing such genocidal acts being committed against the
Tamil people. It is internationally recognised that the term Genocide
includes acts that force a community of people to leave the land that
has been traditionally occupied by them for several generations. This is
taking place in our country today, with the mass land grabs by the
government and the military in the North and East.
The horrendous killings of Tamils during Black July 30 years ago are
largely believed to have been carried out with the support of the
government of that day. The rioting mobs that attacked Tamil homes and
businesses acted with impunity. In fact, even in the then President J.R.
Jayewardene’s first speech on the event made on July 27, 1983, he
offered little sympathy to what the Tamil people had faced.
Today, four years after the end of the civil war, the incumbent
President has declared that Sri Lanka has ‘no minorities’. The reality,
however, is vastly different. The government turns a blind eye to the
repeated attacks against various minority groups. Today, that includes
not only the Tamil people, but the Muslim people as well. One of the
recent incidents was an attack carried out against a Muslim owned
business. Video footage taken during this attack clearly showed a
Buddhist monk vandalising the building in question while policemen
looked on, doing nothing. Other religious minorities also continue to
come under attack, with threatening and violent acts being committed
against not only mosques, but churches as well. Following the events of
Black July, despite rioting mobs openly attacking Tamil civilians for
several days, no perpetrators were apprehended or held accountable for
these brutal actions. Today too, few, if any, of the individuals
responsible for attacks against members of minority groups are ever
apprehended. Hate speeches against minority groups are made; processions
threatening minority groups are openly conducted, and the government
does nothing.
The blind eye of the government is turned not merely to attacks against
minorities, but to other quarters as well. Scores of journalists have
been attacked, seriously injured, killed and made to disappear, but the
perpetrators of these attacks are almost never apprehended and brought
to justice. The crime rate in the country has risen dramatically over
the past months and years. The riots in July 1983 were symptomatic of a
complete breakdown in the Rule of Law of the day. It is indeed
disheartening to see that breakdown today as well.
The ‘83 pogrom is seen as a determined effort by a portion of the
majority community, backed by the government of the day, to teach the
Tamil people who had been for a long time calling for meaningful power
sharing, a lesson. Until 1983, these calls had been for the most part,
non violent. Following the attack in 1983, the violence by Tamil youth
increased significantly. It is this that led to the 26 year long
conflict in our country. To date, the Sri Lankan state has been unable
to address the Tamil question in a meaningful way. The only concession
to power sharing in Sri Lanka’s Constitution is the 13th Amendment. Even
this has, to date, not been fully implemented despite the government’s
repeated promises to its people and to members of the international
community that it will do so. In fact, the government now proposes to do
away with it altogether! Instead of making a realistic effort to
arriving at a meaningful power sharing arrangement through genuine,
constructive political dialogue, the government now proposes to take
away even the limited concession to power sharing in the constitution.
The Tamil National Alliance has stated, time without number that the
solution to the ethnic conflict cannot be by military means, but by
political ones. However, 30 years on, the Sri Lankan government seems
more unwilling than ever to either engage in any meaningful, genuine
process to this end.
In 2004, then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge acknowledged
the role played by the government and made a public apology for the
atrocities of ’83. Despite being seen by many as 21 years too late, in
my opinion the gesture was tremendously significant. For Sri Lanka and
its peoples to move past ’83, this acknowledgment, and with it the
accountability for the atrocities committed, was absolutely necessary.
Today, four years after the end of a bloody civil war, despite
assurances given to the international community and its own peoples, the
government of Sri Lanka has yet to put in place any credible process
for accountability for what occurred during the war. The tragedy of ‘83
should have taught us that in order for us as a country to move past the
tragedy of the civil war, there must be accountability for atrocities
committed on both sides.
Thirty years on, the environment and circumstances that made Black July
possible have not changed in any significant way. A war has ended, but
we have failed to address, far less eradicate, the root causes of the
conflict behind it. If anything, we have exacerbated them. Thirty years
on, can we claim to have come very far from Black July at all?