A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, November 1, 2013
Commonwealth must honour its own commitments
Photo courtesy Contribute Magazine
- by Vidya Venkat
- - on 11/01/2013
The
choice of Sri Lanka as a venue for CHOGM 2013 has always remained
controversial. But now that most member countries have agreed to go
ahead and participate in the high-profile summit happening in Colombo,
the moment has arrived for the Commonwealth to reassess its commitment
towards its own values.
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Two weeks from now, the Heads of Government of 53 Commonwealth countries
will congregate in Colombo’s Bandaranaike Memorial International
Conference Hall to discuss, among other things, the Commonwealth’s
commitment towards the promotion of human rights, democracy and the rule
of law in keeping with the Harare Declaration. Sri Lanka has consistently breached all three values. Two
years have passed since the decision to allow Sri Lanka to host CHOGM
was taken in Perth but little progress has been made by the island
nation with regards to initiating accountability measures for credible
allegations of war crimes.
On Thursday, I had attended a meeting organised by the Human Rights
Watch in New Delhi in which torture victims from Sri Lanka who have been
brutally beaten, raped and abused by either the police or military
personnel in 2012 gave testimonies over Skype from their hospital bed.
These were a handful of people who have been fortunate enough to escape
from the island nation and find refuge in a foreign land. Charu Lata
Hogg, a London-based human rights researcher said that between 2006 and
2012, 75 cases of sexual violence against men and women from the Tamil
minority community have been found and several of these victims hail
from the camps for internally displaced persons. According to the Sri
Lankan military’s own admission there have been 11 cases of sexual abuse
against Tamils by military personnel in 2012, but this is a highly
underestimated number, according to Ms. Hogg.
It is worth recalling the very serious violations of Commonwealth values
committed by Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has not implemented the
recommendations of its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission.
Add to this the consolidation of powers in the hands of the President
and his family; the impeachment of the Chief Justice Shirani
Bandaranayake in January which the Sri Lankan Supreme Court held
unconstitutional; the killing and abduction of journalists resulting in
suppression of free speech; excessive militarisation in Tamil-dominated
regions which proved to be a “significant obstacle to a credible
electoral process” according to Commonwealth monitors who oversaw the
recent elections in the northern provincial council.
And while these harsh realities stare us in the face, we find the Sri
Lankan government sparing no effort to win over the Commonwealth leaders
attending the summit. The latest is the decision to name orphaned baby
elephants in Pinnawala Elephant Orphanage after the Commonwealth
leaders! For Sri Lanka CHOGM 2013 presents a major opportunity to build
its international brand and attract investments as the President has
said. Sri Lanka is only doing what any country that has successfully
ended a separatist movement in its land would like to do. To borrow an
expression from the anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot, the
preparations ahead of CHOGM point to efforts at “silencing the past” and
producing a victor’s narrative of a nation that has emerged successful
and resurgent from the dark days of the civil war.
Consider the significant benefits that Sri Lanka will get if it were to
get to lead the Commonwealth for the next two years. The Sri Lankan
President would be anointed Commonwealth Chairperson-in-Office in the
presence of Prince Charles, who is representing the Queen of England. He
will enjoy the opportunity to reinforce the Good Offices’ role of the
Commonwealth Secretary-General and contribute to strategic advocacy of
Commonwealth positions in high-level international forums. A Sri Lankan
Foreign Minister will become a member of Commonwealth Ministerial Action
Group (CMAG). Sri Lanka will chair the Committee of the Whole and
Communiqué drafting committee at future ministerial meetings.
Handing over these crucial responsibilities to a member country that has
breached all the core values of the Commonwealth without demanding any
accountability whatsoever would make a mockery of the organisation which
now finds itself in deep crisis. The Canadian Prime Minister has
threatened to review funding for the Commonwealth and as the second
largest donor this will be disastrous for the association. Similarly,
the UK has reduced its contributions citing concerns about the direction
of the organisation. It is only during CHOGM that there is interest in
the Commonwealth and the member countries must use this opportunity to
take concrete measures to address the deepening crisis.
Commonwealth mechanisms are inadequate when it comes to responding to
human rights abuses by member countries. In response to criticism of its
functioning, the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) was created in 2009.
Several of the EPG’s recommendations were put in place between the 2011
and 2013 biennial Heads of State meetings. However, the EPG’s
recommendation to appoint a Commissioner for Democracy, the Rule of Law
and Human Rights was dropped because Member States could not reach a
consensus on how to respond to this recommendation.
In its 2013 report to CHOGM titled ‘The Missing Link: A Commonwealth
Commissioner for Human Rights’, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
(CHRI) has demanded that an independent Commonwealth Commissioner for
Human Rights be appointed to plug the alarming gap that remains between
Commonwealth promises and reality. The full Report can be accessed here.
While CHRI has decided to stay away from CHOGM 2013 due to displeasure
regarding the manner in which the host nation has conducted itself, we
do realise the value of utilizing this event as an opportunity to push
for reforms within the Commonwealth. Sri Lanka remains an inappropriate
venue for hosting CHOGM, but it paradoxically presents an appropriate
opportunity for the Commonwealth Heads of Government to consider the
value in appointing a Commonwealth Commissioner for Human Rights who
will rebuild the confidence of its people and ensure a renewed, relevant
and sustainable Commonwealth. CHOGM must ideally be used to pressurise
Sri Lanka to accept precise time-bound commitments to uphold its
international human rights obligations. Unless such measures are
initiated, CHOGM 2013 runs the risk of deepening the already existing
crisis within the organisation.
The author is Media and Communications Officer for Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi.