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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, August 30, 2014
Iran's last great female poet
- Friday, 29 August 2014
EVEN
as a child, she knew how poetry should sound. The rhythm of the rhyme
her teacher gave her to recite—“I am a yellow rose, the Sultan of all
the flowers, the Sultan of all the flowers”—was wrong. She envied the
verse bestowed upon a friend, which scanned so much more sweetly, as
much as she coveted the red ruffles of her dress, so much finer than her
own yellow organdy.
So, at the age of 12, Simin Behbahani began writing her own rhymes. She
wrote in the style of the old Persian poets: Hafez, Rumi and Sa’adi. Her
contemporaries had abandoned traditional forms such as the ghazal, a
sonnet of sorts, with its stiff, restrictive structure. With heads full
of modernism they used rhymeless, formless verses to criticise their
country and its rulers. But she embraced the old ways. After all, that
was the sort of poetry that Iranians knew, the sort they could recite
from memory, the cadences of their history.
She borrowed the styles of the masters, but not their substance. They
wrote of goblets of wine, and nightingales, and laments for their
beloved. She wrote of love, too, but also of politics and of life’s
darker realities. “O moaning starving masses, what will you do? O poor
anguished nation, what will you do?” asked the first line of her first
published poem. Later she wrote about prostitutes hustling in the
streets of Tehran, and about the pain of a mother unable to afford
pistachios for her son.
She was 26 when the Americans and the British deposed Mohammad
Mossadegh, Iran’s democratically elected prime minister. The autocratic
rule of the Shah, whom the West found more palatable, sharpened her
desire for justice. As the years passed, like many others, she began to
dream of revolution—not because she yearned for an Islamic state, but
because she wanted an end to repression and the fear of the secret
police.
In 1979 the revolution came, in the form of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomenei
and his Islamic Republic. But as the new state began a crackdown of its
own, the dream soon soured. Ms Behbahani recalled being unable to bear
the sight of lorries full of the bodies of executed prisoners, dripping
with blood as they rumbled down the road. But she could still write:
Then came the long war with Iraq, grinding and vicious. She remembered
the sky over her head, blackened with the smoke of missiles, the ground
ruined by exploding bombs, and again the lorries full of bodies, this
time of dead soldiers being hauled to the cemeteries.
This turbulent poet
The old poets were men, their ghazals addressed to women and young boys. She dismissed all the attention paid to the fact that she was a woman. She wanted to be simply a poet. Still, outspoken and independent, an advocate for women’s rights, she represented everything Iran’s clerical rulers could not bear. One story tells of her marching for International Women’s Day. Her hijab was defiantly light, her lips were slicked with carmine and her eyes ringed with kohl. The police threatened her. “What are you doing?” a woman demanded. “This is Simin Behbahani.” The police were unimpressed. A man ran towards her. “Did you not hear?” he cried. “This is Simin Behbahani!” He would set himself on fire if they touched her, he vowed. They beat her anyway.
The old poets were men, their ghazals addressed to women and young boys. She dismissed all the attention paid to the fact that she was a woman. She wanted to be simply a poet. Still, outspoken and independent, an advocate for women’s rights, she represented everything Iran’s clerical rulers could not bear. One story tells of her marching for International Women’s Day. Her hijab was defiantly light, her lips were slicked with carmine and her eyes ringed with kohl. The police threatened her. “What are you doing?” a woman demanded. “This is Simin Behbahani.” The police were unimpressed. A man ran towards her. “Did you not hear?” he cried. “This is Simin Behbahani!” He would set himself on fire if they touched her, he vowed. They beat her anyway.
The danger, she knew, was in doing the censors’ work for them, by
heeding the voice in her mind that had begun to warn her: “don’t write
this, they won’t allow it to be published.” In her later life she was
forced to put poems online that could not be published on paper.
Still, she was freer than many. She couched her criticism in metaphor
and allusion, but it was still pointed, and Iran’s rulers could never
quite silence her. Ordinary Iranians had committed her verses to memory.
They reached for them in the same way as they reached for the old
rhymes. Others reached for them too; Barack Obama quoted her in a New
Year message to Iran.
Despite the interrogations and the intimidation, despite the murder of
her fellow writers, she never lost her patriotism, which was so fierce
that it bordered on chauvinism. For her, Iran and the Islamic Republic
were not the same thing. Her cause was Iran, and that meant dealing with
all that came with it.
Some of her contemporaries fled. But she loved her country too much to
leave. When she did travel, to read her poetry in freer places, she
counted the nights and days until her return. She never doubted that
Iran’s future would one day be bright. Western nations had suffered
their dictatorships too. One day, Iranians would establish their country
anew. And when they did, she hoped to be part of it:
Courtesy - http://www.economist.com/