A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, April 5, 2015
Effective War Crimes Inquiry Could Heal Sri Lanka’s Old Wounds
COLOMBO, Apr 4 2015 (IPS) -
Jessi Joygeswaran seems like your typical 23-year-old young woman. She
has an infectious smile and laughs a lot when she talks. Like many other
young women anywhere in the world, her life is full of dreams.
“I want to go to university, I want to do a good job,” she tells IPS. She seems sure that she can make her dreams come true.
n fact, Joygeswaran’s life has been anything but ordinary. She grew up
in a war zone, and now spends her days thinking as much about such
issues as war crimes probes and national reconciliation as she does
about her own future.
Hailing from the minority Tamil community, the young woman was born and
bred in the Vanni, the vast swath of land in Sri Lanka’s Northern
Province that bore the brunt of the island’s 26-year-long civil war that
only ended in mid-2009.
In 2006 Joygeswaran, just 14 at the time, had to flee from her ancestral
home in the village of Andankulam, in the northwestern Mannar District,
when fighting erupted between government forces and the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eealm (LTTE), a rebel group attempting to carve out a
separate state in the Tamil-speaking north and eastern provinces of Sri
Lanka.
“We were running from bullets and shell-fire for three years,” she
recalls. It was April 2009 when she and her family finally escaped the
horror. “Death was a possibility every second,” she says, the smile
vanishing from her face.
Even after the war ended, the Vanni’s troubles did not. A quarter of a
million people who escaped the war were restricted to relief camps that
looked and felt more like detention centres, where they remained until
late 2010.
Over 400,000 people who had fled the region during various stages of the
conflict returned to scenes of devastation, forced to rebuild their
lives from scratch while coming to terms with the death or disappearance
of thousands of their kin. Homelessness, trauma and fear were the order
of the day.
A new government – a new era?
All of that changed this past January when Sri Lanka voted in a new
president, Maithripala Sirisena, ousting the incumbent Mahinda
Rajapaksa, whose defeat of the LTTE enabled him to exercise an iron grip
over the country.
On Jan. 8, for the first time in her life, Joygeswaran voted alongside
her countrymen. Despite all past discrimination against her minority
community, she is completely invested in the new national government.
“We voted for justice and peace for all,” she asserts. It is a humble
aspiration, but one shared by a majority of people in this island nation
of 20 million, where generations of bloodshed resulting in a death toll
of between 80,000 and 100,000 had many doubting that the country would
ever return to a state of normalcy.
The first 60 days of the new government have been a mixed bag,
especially for northern Tamils. Travel restrictions and a suffocating
military presence – with members of the armed forces overseeing
virtually every aspect of daily life – have eased; but there is still
limited progress on more delicate issues, like a comprehensive inquiry
into wartime abuses.
The last days of the war could have resulted in a civilian death toll of
about 40,000, according to an advisory panel set up by the United
Nations Secretary-General – a figure hotly disputed by the previous
government.
A new book by the respected research body, University Teachers for Human
Rights (Jaffna), titled ‘Palmyra Fallen’, says the figure could be as
high 100,000.
Both government forces and the LTTE have been accused of human rights violations during the last bouts of fighting.
Three resolutions put forth at the Geneva-based U.N. Human Rights
Council (HRC) have sought an international investigation into the end of
the war. The Rajapaksa government, determined not to allow “foreign
interference” in what it called a purely domestic issue, set up its own
Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) but its
recommendations have largely been left on paper.
There is an ongoing commission on disappearances, and the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has begun an island-wide survey on
families of the missing.
But not one of these measures has led to a single prosecution or judicial complaint against the perpetrators.
Balancing local efforts with international standards
Sirisena’s government has promised a fresh probe, with international
inputs. The new foreign minister, Mangala Samaraweera, has been
traveling the globe since assuming office, trying to convince the
international community to allow Sri Lanka some breathing room in which
to push through an indigenous, credible reconciliation process.
So far his charms seem to be working. The United States, United Kingdom
and other western nations agreed to postpone the release of a U.N. Human
Rights Council investigation report into wartime human rights abuses.
It was due in March and now will be unveiled in September.
The government announced on Mar. 18 that it was considering lifting
proscriptions issued on Tamil diaspora groups, in a move that many feel
is aimed at garnering the support of moderate Tamils around the world.
While no official figures exist, Sri Lanka’s Tamil diaspora is believed
to number close to 700,000.
“The government of President Sirisena is seriously committed to
expediting the reconciliation process. In doing so, the Sri Lankan
diaspora whether it be Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, has am extremely
important role to play,” Samaraweera told Parliament on Mar. 18.
Despite this nod to the diaspora, government officials have made clear
that the mechanism for investigating possible war crimes committed by
both sides must be a robust, national initiative, without foreign
interference.
“Any charges […] against our security forces have to be investigated,
[but] it has to be handled by the local mechanism, that is what we have
always stated,” Power and Energy Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka told
the Foreign Correspondents Association in February.
But it will take some muscle to convince the international community
that Sri Lanka is capable of initiating a successful probe with the
power to go from theory to practice.
“This is why Amnesty International (AI) and other organisations have
urged the Sri Lankan authorities to cooperate with the U.N. and take
advantage of international expertise in the development of a credible,
effective and truly independent mechanism – one that will not be
vulnerable to the kinds of threats and political pressures that have
obstructed previous efforts,” David Griffiths, AI’s deputy Asia Pacific
director tells IPS.
AI and several other international organisations also favour the setting
up of a special tribunal to try any human rights violators.
Among other unresolved issues are allegations that
the armed forces conducted summary executions of surrendered LTTE
cadres, as well as possible incidents of sexual abuse of persons in
captivity. The LTTE has been accused of using civilians as human
shields, as well as for conscripting children into its ranks, among
other things.
“It is important for everyone concerned and for Sri Lanka’s future that
all allegations of crimes under international law are fully investigated
and, where sufficient admissible evidence exists, those suspected of
the crimes are prosecuted in genuine proceedings before independent and
impartial courts that comply with international standards for fair
trial. Victims must be provided with full and effective reparation to
address the harm they have suffered,” Griffiths says.
Already some positive changes have occurred under the new government.
Ruki Fernando, a researcher with the Colombo-based rights group INFORM,
tells IPS that the appointment of a civilian governor to Jaffna,
replacing a former military officer, as well as the government’s
releasing of lands acquired by the military, bode well for the future.
“I am cautiously optimistic, but it is a long road ahead,” he says.
In Joygeswaran’s words: “Before we can move [forward], we need to accept our shared, horrible past.”
Edited by Kanya D’Almeida