A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
(Full Story)
Search This Blog
Back to 500BC.
==========================
Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, June 30, 2015
As
agonizing suspense finally ends with the dissolving of the 14th
Parliament of Sri Lanka, unlamented and unsung as well it ought to be, a
palpable sigh of relief palpitates through the land.
Hypocrisy at its height
This was a House that had far outlived its time, even as school children nervously balked from visiting its galleries with unprecedentedly crude verbiage echoing in its chambers. This was moreover an assembly where a majority stamped its infamy by insulting a sitting Chief Justice in thinly veiled filth during a farcical impeachment process.
Heinously,
this Parliament willingly oversaw its own decline with its groveling
subservience to the Rajapaksa Presidency. Financial oversight and
legislative leadership was thrown to the wayside. Instead, we had the
18th Amendment, manifestly Sri Lanka’s most obscene post-independence
constitutional amendment with a compliant Court obediently approving it.
This was under the direction of the very judge who later, as that
wrongly impeached Chief Justice, had to face the ugliness which surfaces
when judges play games of political chance. Now we endure an erstwhile
Professor of Law turned Minister turned agile political opportunist who
once applauded that process preaching on the Rule of Law from the
opposition benches.
This is hypocrisy at its height, equaled only by the antics of
‘yahapalanaya’ advocates who have unflinchingly profited in the post
January 2015 government, regardless of compromising the struggle itself.
We saw this sorry spectacle in 1994 when the members of the democracy
movement who swept Chandrika Kumaratunga into power were co-opted into
office thus losing their credibility and (more importantly) leaving a
dangerous vacuum when the Kumaratunga Presidency lost its way.
Caught like a nut between two crackers
But this is to digress. All in all, very few Sri Lankans would be sorry to see the end of this particular legislative assembly. Yet what will its successor be like? The possibilities are dolorous. From the South comes the Rajapaksa force once again, capitalizing on the mistakes made by its opponents, fiercely embittered at its humiliation and with little genuine contrition for the grievous harm that it has done to the country. Instead, there is only determination to take back power by hook or by crook, even if it means stirring up racial and communal hatreds, the hallmarks of that Presidency.
On the other side, there are the voluble peacocks of the current
government, basking in the reflected glory of the Sirisena win. Caught
like the proverbial nut between these two crackers, (the apposite
Sinhala idiom not lending itself very well to translation), the majority
electorate need to have little doubt about its option of choice, warts
and all. Certainly to bring back the Rajapaksas so soon after their
defeat and with so much yet undone would be the makings of a disaster,
let us be clear about that.
Correcting the post January 2015 missteps
But there will not be a repetition of that same rapturous enthusiasm which captured the national mood in the Presidential election where the son of a Polonnaruwa farmer, ridiculed as being unremarkable and mediocre, unseated the Medamulana family cabal gone mad with power.
There was a clean edge to that opposition campaign and a quiet resolve
about the challenger which was impressive precisely because it was
understated and in complete contrast to the strutting arrogance of the
then incumbent. That gloss has worn off, not so much in a personal sense
as the new President has tripped over himself only infrequently though
this criticism may become more unforgiving as time lapses. Yet the same
cannot be said about the immediate missteps of the partner United
National Party Government and the tinsel performances of its once
strident good governance voices.
The latest frivolity is the ad hoc appointing of committees to probe
irregularities of the previous regimes. Thus must be distinguished from
the appointment of Commissions of Inquiry under a particular law with
specific guarantees of fairness in inquiry. These are not idle
safeguards. For example, disappearances commissions of the 1990s
referred the names of those implicated under confidential cover to the
government for further investigation without subjecting them to media
trials. That nothing happened thereafter spoke to the absence of
political will, not to the absence of legal legitimacy of those bodies.
A small measure of justice
This week, two legal victories are celebrated. First is the sentencing of the murderers of Gerald Perera, an unassuming cook at the Colombo Dockyard who was arrested by the police after being mistaken for a known thief and subjected to torture. Angered thereafter by a successful legal battle in the Supreme Court, which had not yet undergone the terrible convulsions that would grip it in later years, the perpetrators then killed him days before he was due to give evidence at the High Court trial under the Anti-Torture Act. This columnist was personally involved with the legal struggle to bring Gerald Perera’s murderers to account and must acknowledge the jubilation that arises at this outcome.
Second was the conviction and death sentence given to a Sinhala soldier
for the brutal killing of Tamil civilians in Mirusovil fifteen years
ago. In both instances, while the result is a small measure of justice,
the process is testimony of the frailty of our Rule of Law systems. This
is a question that will be dealt with in more detail later in these
column spaces, given its fundamental importance.
For now, it needs to be said that the proper working of the
investigative, the prosecutorial and the judicial agencies should have
been the first task of the new government. Failure to do this has
remained its most spectacular lapse. For instance, what has happened to
the findings of the investigation by the Criminal Investigation
Department into that alleged constitutional coup in January 2015? We are
told that this has been referred to the Department of the Attorney
General but the silence on the matter is deafening.
Undoubtedly these are questions that will be exploited to the full in
the coming election campaign even as the unprepossessing circus of
panting hopefuls impatiently waiting for their chance in the political
sun comes to town again.