A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Monday, February 1, 2016
President’s Interview with BBC Sinhala: Murandu-palanaya? – Sanjana Hattotuwa
President Sirisena
31/01/2016
A recent interview with President Sirisena, conducted with the BBC’s
Azzam Ameen, is recommended viewing for those who want to assess
contemporary politics and the trajectory of governance over 2016 and
beyond. Over Twitter, I averred that while some of the President’s
answers were positively disturbing, the opportunity given to grill him,
and the fact that Ameen is still alive, unharmed and living without fear
of a white van abduction, is testimony to how much Sri Lanka has
changed from the dark Rajapaksa years.
In
a segment of the interview, the President is asked for his opinion on
the disturbingly racist ‘Sinha-le’ movement, which has recently gone
from random acts of vandalism and car stickers to boisterous,
inter-city, Sinhala-Buddhist supremacist rallies and Police
confrontations. The President dismisses the movement entirely, saying in
effect that it is fringe lunacy and without any merit. Where he gets it
completely wrong is in trusting the capacity of our society itself to
negotiate violence and extremism. This, lest we forget, is
the same society that countenanced the rise of the BBS, Sihala Ravaya
and all manner of manic monks, were generally ok with the massacre of
thousands at Nandikadal, ignored the plight of those interned in Manik
Farm, gave rise to the bheeshana yugaya in
the late 80’s, which reads and believes mainstream media that regularly
conflates Tamils with Tigers, elects murderers and thugs to Parliament,
support MPs who abduct citizens, countenances a brutal, corrupt Police
force and are fine with rampant militarisation in almost every sphere of
public life. Where the well-springs of hope the President has over
society’s ability to discern and resolutely disavow the ‘Sinha-le’
movement for what it really is a mystery.
In another question, President Sirisena is asked about nepotism, and the
optics around the fact that his younger brother was appointed by him as
the Chairman of Sri Lanka Telecom. The President’s answer is revealing.
He claims there is a difference between what he terms ‘family rule’ (he
uses the example of Cuba) and the fact that Sri Lanka Telecom, by
virtue of being under a line ministry and a government minister, is
essentially outside his sphere of influence. Azzam presses on and asks
the President about taking his son – Daham – to New York, to sit
alongside him at UN sessions and the fact that his daughter has also
been spotted at public functions in an officiating capacity. Though it
isn’t mentioned in the BBC interview, the official Facebook page of the
President, handled no doubt by the Presidential Media Unit,
photo-shopped Daham out of images of the official UN delegation when
faced with, at the time, a vocal media backlash, especially online. The
President’s answer is to first ask whether anyone, with any sense, will
question why taking his son to New York is wrong. He says fathers who
have sons will understand the love for a son, and that it really isn’t a
question over governance. In what can only be described as a tad
delirious, President Sirisena then says that fathers who haven’t been
lucky enough to have children are the only ones interested in critiquing
Daham’s place in Sri Lanka’s official delegation to the UN. He says
this is their misfortune. Becoming increasingly defensive, in tone and
body language, the President then avers that those who question him on
this are devoid of humanity. Claiming the public aren’t really concerned
about these issues, he pegs critical questions on this score to
political enemies.
Aside
from his tragically twisted take on nepotism, the President’s larger
mistake is to use, as he does in this interview, the Rajapaksa’s and
their political culture as a baseline to judge his own actions, and
those of the present government. A rough analogy would be
to compare Sri Lanka’s democratic timbre with that of the Central
African Republic, or the Democratic Republic of Congo. We can pat
ourselves on the back that we are so much better than either country,
but what does this really mean? Likewise, to use the Rajapaksa’s as a
baseline is a bluff that must be called – as President Sirisena knows
only too well, our democratic values were reflected far more in the
plural social mobilisation that put him where he is. It is to those who
saw in him the best of who we are and can be that he has to answer to,
not to autocrats and their sons from the past.
Further
on, the President’s take on critical web and online media is to equate
them, carte blanche, to yellow or tabloid journalism. Much has changed
then from his first televised address to the public in early 2015, where
he explicitly thanked those who supported his candidacy online and on
Facebook, against all odds, to his current position, where when the
spotlight is on him and his actions, critical online voices become
destructive, shallow and irrelevant. When asked about the
full colour, full page ads taken out in print media by various
ministries to celebrate his first year in office, he again gets very
defensive and proceeds to indicate he either doesn’t mean what says, or
says what he doesn’t mean. On the one hand, he says that circulars were
issued to not publish advertisements, which cost tens of millions of
rupees in the aggregate, taken from public coffers. When then asked as
to what action he himself will take against ministries and public bodies
that went against these circulars, he says a complaint has to be lodged
with the Ministry of Finance, after which an investigation will be
held. Yet again, he uses the excessive corruption under the Rajapaksa’s
to suggest that things are comparably much better, and that change
itself takes time.
We have a President who isn’t yet used to being a President. It is
unclear he was coached on the answers around the questions he and his
media team knew would be asked by the likes of the BBC. Maithripala
Sirisena is still operating as if he is competing against Mahinda
Rajapaksa. Clearly opinionated and believing he has risked more than
most, the President may think this entitles him to an arrogance and
stubbornness that in turn are effective firewalls against good advice.
Critical commentary is taken personally, and sadly, ignored. President
Sirisena’s most recent BBC interview will be remembered for a singular
lack of vision and humility, which were hallmarks of Sirisena the
Presidential aspirant.
It is not just his loss. It is ours too.