A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, August 31, 2016
SRI LANKA’S TRANSITIONAL MOMENT AND TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE – RUKI FERNANDO
(Light among the darkness: Hindu religious festival in Colombo July 2015 ©s.deshapriya)
Within the first month after winning the parliamentary elections in
August 2015, the new Government made a series of commitments related to
transitional justice. These were articulated through a speech by the
Foreign Minister at the 30th session of the UN Human Rights Council.[1] These
commitments were also reflected in the resolution on Sri Lanka that was
adopted by the Human Rights Council on 1 October 2015.[2] The
resolution came just after the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
had published a report which alleged war crimes and crimes against
humanity and other serious violations of international human rights and
humanitarian laws, by both the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE.[3]
Government’s commitments
The present Government’s commitments included setting up an Office of
Missing Persons (OMP), a Commission for Truth, Justice, and Guarantees
of Non-reoccurrence, a Judicial mechanism with Special Counsel, which
will have the participation of foreign judges, prosecutors,
investigators and defence lawyers, and an Office for Reparations. The
Government also committed to reduce the military’s role in civilian
affairs, facilitate livelihoods, repeal and reform the Prevention of
Terrorism Act (PTA), criminalise disappearances, ratify the Enforced
Disappearance Convention[4] ,
review the victim and witness protection law, and range of other
actions. Consultations to seek people’s views on transitional justice is
underway across the country, under the leadership of some civil society
activists.
The Enforced Disappearance Convention was ratified in May this year and
the draft Bill to create the OMP was passed by Parliament on 11 August.
There are positive features as well as weaknesses and ambiguities in the
Bill[5].
Due to a history of failed initiatives, the minimal ‘consultations’
that occurred during drafting process and the lack of information on
details, there appears to be very little confidence in the OMP amongst
families of the disappeared. This is likely to be the case for other
mechanisms, unless there’s a drastic change in approach from the
government.
Reactions to transitional justice within Sri Lanka
Currently, the transitional justice agenda appears to be polarising Sri
Lankan society. Opinion polls, and my own impressions, indicate that the
Tamil community, particularly in the North and the East, who bore the
brunt of the war, appears to favour strong international involvement.
But the majority Sinhalese community appears to reject international
involvement. Varying opinions have been expressed about forgetting the
past, memorialisation, prosecutions, and amnesty. There are also
different or contradictory opinions and expectations within each ethnic
community and amongst survivors of violations and families of victims.
The Government’s transitional justice commitments have been criticised
by the former President and his supporters. Even the release of a few
political prisoners, the release of small amounts of land occupied by
the military, and the establishment of the OMP to find truth about
missing persons have been framed as an international conspiracy that
endangers national security and seeks revenge from “war heroes”.
There does not appear to be an official Government policy document on
transitional justice. The Government’s commitments have only been
officially articulated in Geneva by the Foreign Minister and not in Sri
Lanka . The Foreign Minister has been the regular advocate and defender
of these commitments. Some of the meetings with local activists have
been convened by him and the Secretariat for Co-ordinating
Reconciliation Mechanisms (SCRM) is housed in the Foreign Ministry. All
these contribute to the process being seen as emanating and driven by
foreign pressure. Outreach on the Government’s transitional justice
plans appears to focus on the international community and not towards
Sri Lankan people.
The President and Prime Minister have not been championing the
Government’s official commitments. For example, the duo have publicly
stated that the commitment to have foreign judges in the judicial
mechanism will not be fulfilled. Even this has not satisfied the critics
alleging foreign conspiracy, and has disappointed some activists,
especially Tamils, as well as survivors and victims’ families.
Developments on the ground
Monuments erected to honour the Sinhalese dominated military during the
Rajapakse time continue to dominate the Tamil majority Northern
landscape. Army camps that were built over some of the cemeteries of
former LTTE cadres that were bulldozed by the Army after the war are
still there. The loved ones of those whose remains were in these
cemeteries have no place to grieve, lay flowers, light a candle, or say a
prayer. While the numbers have reduced from those under the Rajapaske
regime, intimidation and reprisals on families, attacks, and threats and
intimidation of activists and journalists continue to occur. Limited
progress on issues, such as the release of political prisoners, land
occupied by military, continuing military involvement in civilian
affairs in the North and East, reports of continuing abductions, and
arrests under the PTA have raised doubts about the Government’s
commitments.
Although a few military personnel have been convicted and some others
arrested on allegations of human rights abuses, the lack of progress in
thousands of other cases only reinforces calls for international
involvement for justice.
Towards Rights & Democratization beyond Transitional Justice framework
Unemployment, debt, and sexual and gender-based violence is widespread
in the former war ravaged areas. The new Government’s economic and
development policies are focusing on trade, investment, and mega
development projects, which privilege the rich and marginalise the poor.
Pre-war rights issues, such as landlessness, sexual and gender-based
violence and discrimination, caste, rights of workers, including those
working on tea estates, still need to be addressed.
A consultation process towards a new constitution drew a large number of
public representations, dealing with many of the issues mentioned
above. But the next steps are not clear, particularly in finding
political solutions to the grievances of the country’s ethnic
minorities.
The political leadership will have to reach out to all Sri Lankans,
especially to the Sinhalese majority, about its reform agenda, while
taking principled actions to win the confidence of numerical minorities
such as Tamils and Muslims. At the national level, the coming together
of the two major political parties and support of the two major parties
representing Tamils and Muslims, makes this a unique opportunity to push
towards radical reforms.
It will also be a challenge to go beyond a conventional transitional
justice framework and use the transitional moment to move towards
reconciliation, democratisation, and sustainable development, by
addressing civil and political rights as well as economic, social, and
cultural rights in a holistic manner, considering the yearnings of war
survivors, victims’ families, and the poor, for truth, reparations,
criminal accountability, and economic justice.
[1] Speech by Hon Mangala Samaraweera at the 30th session of the Human Rights Council, Geneva, 14 September 2015.
[2] Human
Rights Council Resolution, Promoting reconciliation, accountability,
and human rights in Sri Lanka, 14 October 2015, UN Doc. A/HRC/RES/30/1
(adopted 1 October 2015).
[3] Human
Rights Council, Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL),
thirtieth session, 16 September 2015, UN Doc. A/HRC/30/CRP.2.
[4] International
Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance, adopted 20 December 2006, UN Doc. A/61/488 (entered into
force 23 December 2010) (“Enforced Disappearance Convention”).
[5] For more on OMP, see http://thewire.in/42687/sri-lankas-disappeared-will-the-latest-missing-persons-office-bring-answers/
( First published in Inform news letter)