A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, October 28, 2016
Justice for (our) children
There are fundamental differences between expediency and fairness when
it comes to the legal process of a country. They approximate to the
difference between the individual and the larger community: ideally, a
justice system must balance these two conflicting interests out in a way
that ensures due process for the individual and security for society.
The problem is that they form part of a debate that remains irresolvable
for the simple reason that they were always meant to oppose one
another. It's impossible after all to guarantee fair treatment for the
individual, if he or she makes use of that to escape justice, and it's
impossible to guarantee security for a community if that involves
impunity for the wielders and dispensers of justice in terms of
arresting, assessing, and punishing alleged offenders.
Last week I dwelt on corporal punishment. Implied in my column was the
assertion that a country's education system reflects its legal system,
and by the latter I don't include the Judiciary only: I include also the
Police, the armed forces, the extra judicial arm created to ensure
security for the country, and other dispensers of justice appointed
formally or informally by the State. The argument basically therefore
was this: if you drill the notion that "Might is Right"into the minds of
the children by subjecting them to the cane, you'll end up breeding two
kinds of citizens: those who wield the baton and those who resist the
baton. I'm not talking about Sri Lanka alone, of course.
Justice for children
This week I'll be focusing on another more pertinent but no less related
issue: justice for children. By that I include everything and anything,
but for the purpose of specificity I shall focus on one key theme: what
recourse do our children have to the legal system of this country? Or
more to the point, is that recourse sufficient, and are the provisions
contains in our statute books adequate to the task of recognizing
juvenile offenders as children first and criminals second?
Human rights and individual justice are not merely pretty words.
History, it must be said, doesn't paint a pretty picture when it comes
to how they've been misused, contorted, and neglected. It's difficult to
even begin to imagine how and why the legal system and relevant
authorities in a society conveniently ignore the rights of the child,
but it has happened and is happening even now. For the purposes of this
essay, I will focus on three broad areas, pertaining to our country: the
statistics, the legal lacuna, and broad imperatives needed to set
things right.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is not
immutable. It interweaves areas and pertinent issues connected to
children. It's hard to pinpoint which areas are more important and which
areas are not, but for me, affirming rights just doesn't make sense
without providing for a proper, cohesive resort which the accused and
the victim can use. In other words, the Convention recognizes the need
to establish Juvenile Courts, not just to try offenders but to ensure
that victims of abuse, neglect, and other heinous crimes committed
against them achieve equity.
Article 19
A perusal of the document will convince anyone of how significant this
all was to its drafters. Article 19 reflects on protecting children from
violence perpetrated by their own parents or whoever appointed to be in
(legal) charge of them (guardians, teachers, what not). Article 37
reflects on shielding them from torture and negligence, in particular
when it comes to their encounters with a society's justice system.
While the Convention was drafted 20 years ago and things have changed,
nevertheless the text speaks for itself: they were not meant to be cast
in stone but to be subjected to revision and assessment. That, I
suspect, is what the drafters clearly intended with the concluding
Article: only if the laws of a country surpass the Convention will they
override it. Otherwise, the Convention takes precedence.
Given this context, how do the laws in Sri Lanka fare?
First and foremost, the statistics are sobering. A UNICEF report commissioned and released in 2013 reveals it all: from a total of about 70 cases collected from Batticaloa, Jaffna, Nuwara Eliya, Anuradhapura, Moneragala, Matara, and Kegalle (which generally rank low in educational, social, and economic indicators), it was concluded that statutory rape among girls was closely intertwined with the issue of early marriage (despite Sri Lanka's generally liberal marriage culture, there still are instances of girls being married early on for fear that lack of educational qualifications would deprive them of opportunity for life).
First and foremost, the statistics are sobering. A UNICEF report commissioned and released in 2013 reveals it all: from a total of about 70 cases collected from Batticaloa, Jaffna, Nuwara Eliya, Anuradhapura, Moneragala, Matara, and Kegalle (which generally rank low in educational, social, and economic indicators), it was concluded that statutory rape among girls was closely intertwined with the issue of early marriage (despite Sri Lanka's generally liberal marriage culture, there still are instances of girls being married early on for fear that lack of educational qualifications would deprive them of opportunity for life).
Sexually molested
And that's just one figure. The records in 2012 show 758 children who
were sexually molested and another 745 who were sexually abused. There
were nine cases of incest by a family member, in addition 22 cases of
child murders, 54 child abductions, 10 attempted murders and 247 cases
of child assault. From 2011 to 2012, the National Child Protection
Authority (NCPA) collected more than 20,000 complaints, an almost
unprecedented amount until then.
Which brings one to another pertinent point: children can encounter the
law in more ways than one. Broadly, they can be perpetrators. They can
also be victims. And just as importantly, they can be witnesses to
crimes perpetrated by others. With all this, one would expect
authorities in the country to be more broad minded when it comes to
handling such children. As the case stands, however, they have not.
That brings up the second broad area I identified above: the legal lacuna in Sri Lanka.
The problem becomes evident at once when one considers the tangle we've succumbed to when it comes to defining the age limits of a child (for legal purposes). A person is said to be criminally responsible only if he or she has attained or passed the age of 8, as set out by the Penal Code of 1883. A Judge has the discretion to try a person as a criminal if he or she is between the ages of 8 and 12, if that Judge can ascertain whether he or she has attained a sufficient level of maturity and understanding as to the consequences of his or her conduct. Those between 12 and 16 can be held as criminally accountable even if it that point is not conclusively ascertained, while those between 16 and 18 are regarded as adults. (However, no one below the age of 18 can be sentenced to death.)
The problem becomes evident at once when one considers the tangle we've succumbed to when it comes to defining the age limits of a child (for legal purposes). A person is said to be criminally responsible only if he or she has attained or passed the age of 8, as set out by the Penal Code of 1883. A Judge has the discretion to try a person as a criminal if he or she is between the ages of 8 and 12, if that Judge can ascertain whether he or she has attained a sufficient level of maturity and understanding as to the consequences of his or her conduct. Those between 12 and 16 can be held as criminally accountable even if it that point is not conclusively ascertained, while those between 16 and 18 are regarded as adults. (However, no one below the age of 18 can be sentenced to death.)
CYPO
This was compounded by another classification made by the Children and
Young Persons Ordinance (or CYPO). According to the CYPO, for the
purposes of juvenile justice (which was not recognized properly under
the Penal Code), those considered as children are below the age of 14,
and those considered as young persons are between the ages of 14 and 16.
A study by the Lawyers for Human Rights and Development (LHRD) in 1998
concluded that this double classification has led to much confusion and
can, in the long run, explain the confused state of juvenile justice in
the country. This has to do with the absence of proper mechanisms
through which a child can claim justice: in particular, the lack of a
cohesive system to which children can resort (either as offenders or as
victims) when it comes to determining their cases. That helps surface
probably the most important, if not deplorable, lacuna Sri Lanka faces
at present: the absence of a proper network of Juvenile Courts.
But what exactly are Juvenile Courts? A brief look at history would
suffice. From the socially conscious novels of Charles Dickens to the
establishment of the first Children's Courts (or in other words, Special
Courts for child offenders and victims), a key theme that runs through
this discourse is that there's always a rift between retributive and
restorative justice. The former is aimed at punishment, the latter at
rehabilitation. Going by Aristotle's dictum on equality (comparing like
with like, never with unlike), it seems manifestly self-evident that the
more children are subjected to retribution, the more likely it is that
they'll relapse to old habits after their ordeal is done. There's a term
for this, by the way: recidivism.
The 20th century was more or less the Age of Enlightenment when it came
to legal systems and processes. To flip through what happened, those
processes finally and cohesively differentiated between adults and
children, most starkly through the establishment of the first Juvenile
Courts the civilized world ever saw. The tussle over juvenile
delinquency was until then largely decided from the misconception that
children were immature adults, who needed to be treated as elders to
compel their growth and development.
The first Juvenile Court was established in 1899, one year before the
dawn of the century, in Illinois and in arguably the country that was
seeing industrialization on a scale unparalleled by any other part of
the world, the United States.The thinking behind it was simple: if you
treat children as children, and if you want to ensure justice for them,
then the method of attaining justice that they resort to must be
amenable to their worldview and level of understanding.
While the first few decades of the century saw no real difference
between Juvenile and normal courts, nevertheless the former congealed
into a class of their own, guided by one stark principle: for children
to be guaranteed justice, either as offenders or as victims, there must
not only be an exclusion of features all too common in other courts
(such as that perennial image of the bespectacled, old, and strict Judge
thrashing his gavel on the table), but also an inclusion of features
that would directly appeal to a child, such as (inter alia) play areas
and counsellors.
The Penal Code
Sri Lanka doesn't lack statutory provisions when it comes to juvenile
justice. The Penal Code was enacted in 1883. About half a century later,
the government enacted the Children and Young Persons Act (CYPO),
alluded to before. Despite the confusion created by its definition of
children and young persons, in later years it filled a much deplored gap
by empowering Juvenile Courts (hereafter referred to as JC).
The problem, however, was that they would be created within a
Magistrate's Court: in other words, Magistrates would be empowered to
act as Juvenile Court Judges (Sections 2 and 3). As with all statutes,
the CYPO defined what a JC was, what its jurisdiction entailed, and who
would be competent to preside over children's cases.
That was hardly adequate, for several reasons. First and foremost, let's
consider the atmosphere of the Magistrate's Courts (hereafter referred
to as MC). Until about five years ago, out of the more than 70 MCs
located throughout the country only one could be considered as a
Children's Court (hereafter referred to as CC). That was in
Bambalapitiya. Even there, the Court was hardly adequate to suit an
individual child's level of understanding. More often than not,
proceedings would be presided by the type of authority figures that
Dickens wrote about, so much so that in the long run, the Judges were
perceived as variants of Mr Bumble and Mr and Mrs Soweberry, rather than
the kindly, genial individuals they should have been.
Child victims
This was not, of course, limited to child offenders: child victims faced
even more issues. Among these, one can point at the impossible delays
cases were subjected to (sometimes by more than 10 years), instances in
which the Police and other officials were privileged more than the child
as witnesses, the fact that hearings were open to the public and hence,
were harrowing to that child, and the stigma attached to him or her
when encountering the law.
And that's just a foretaste to arguably the biggest problem: the fact
that Police officers have and continue to be known for their brutality
towards young persons. As I implied in last week's column, a quick
reading of Basil Fernando's Narrative of Justice in Sri Lanka would
dispel the myth that children in this country are regarded as innocent
cherubs: there have been instances when Police authorities have
mutilated, beaten, and done other unspeakable things against them for
the simplest and most trivial offences. And it's not just teenagers I'm
talking about here: even children as young as 10 or 12 have had their
bones and organs crushed, broken, and mutilated beyond repair by errant
Police Officers.
In 2010, in reaction to calls made by concerned authorities on these
counts, the first-ever JC was established in Battaramulla. Barely a year
later, another such Court was built in Jaffna. The importance of these
two, when it comes to the final reckoning, can't be discounted. They
were needed and not only to try out child offences, but also to ensure
that cases involving children were processed and concluded quickly.
Five years after both Courts were established however, the general
sentiment seems to be that more should be built, ideally in areas
identified by that aforementioned UNICEF report but also extending to
other districts.
Juvenile justice
And that sums up the third broad area I sought to delve into in this
column: the imperatives needed for improvement. Personally I don't think
we are far behind when it comes to ensuring juvenile justice. It's just
that, thanks to that culture of complacency which has invaded our
public sector, we are more satisfied in smirking at past
accomplishments. We shouldn't be.
President Maithripala Sirisena correctly identified that the responsibility for the protection of children lay with the entire nation, or more pertinently with us. His message however, was contorted to mean that responsibility belonged to the private sphere, when clearly it should extend to the public sector.
President Maithripala Sirisena correctly identified that the responsibility for the protection of children lay with the entire nation, or more pertinently with us. His message however, was contorted to mean that responsibility belonged to the private sphere, when clearly it should extend to the public sector.
There's no point in coming up with documents, statistics, and statutes
if they are not worked on. And there's no point correcting our young
(er) generation if you end up instilling in them either a blind love or a
bitter hatred against authority, both being rooted in that
aforementioned fear of officialdom inculcated in them at an early age
(thanks in part to corporal punishment, but also to early encounters
with the law).
Briefly put, if we don't look after our kids, no one will. Period.
Briefly put, if we don't look after our kids, no one will. Period.
UDAKDEV1@GMAIL.COM
