A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, March 1, 2017
India’s Vicarious Involvement In Sri Lanka’s ‘Tamil Question’ – Merger Of North & East Or Not
By Vishwamithra1984 –March 1, 2017
“Man is like a rope: both break at a definite strain…the solution is not splicing the rope; it’s lessening the tension.” ~Jack Vance
We may need India’s backing in the international arena in time to come.
We may need India’s help to persuade the more extreme elements in the
Tamil leadership community to adhere to this and reject that. We may
need India’s support to sustain a more enduring peace, not as it is
today- a mere absence of war and militancy- we might even need India’s
whole-hearted patronage to convince the world leaders not to interfere
with our internal political matters at all. Yet when, as per Indian
Express of February 20, 2017, India’s Foreign Secretary states that ‘India
will not be pressing Sri Lanka to merge the Northern and Eastern
Provinces to form a single Tamil-majority, Tamil-speaking province as
envisaged by the India-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987’, India has
willy-nilly assured Sri Lanka and its Muslim community some lasting
respite- that the ‘merger issue’, as it is called now, would be in the
back burner, at least for some time.
The Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was signed in Colombo on 29 July 1987
between Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J.
R. Jayewardene. The primary purpose of the Accord was to resolve the Sri
Lankan Civil War by enabling the thirteenth Amendment to the
Constitution of Sri Lanka and the Provincial Councils Act of 1987. While
its opponents condemned the Accord as a sell-out to the Indian-backed
Tamils and their militant leaders, its supporters promulgated that it
was the bedrock on which the whole socio-ethnic relations rested. Among
the significant points of the agreement, the Sri Lankan Government made a
number of concessions to Tamil demands, which included, among others,
devolution of power from Colombo to the provinces, merger (subject to later referendum) of the northern and eastern provinces and official status for the Tamil language.
What irked most of the Sinhala chauvinists was the merger, not proposed but which became a fait accompli after
the signatures of Gandhi and Jayewardene were placed, between the
Northern and Eastern provinces into one. Although it was worded as
subject to a referendum to be held later only in the Eastern Province,
the pronouncement of the merger held stood between these two provinces
as from the date the Accord was signed.
R. Hariharan writing a column to The Hindu in July 2010, almost exactly
after one year after the crushing blow dealt to the Tamil militants led
by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) and Prabhakaran, opines
thus: ‘The Rajiv-Jayewardene Accord was perhaps too ambitious in its
scope as it sought to collectively address all the three contentious
issues between India and Sri Lanka: strategic interests, people of
Indian origin in Sri Lanka and Tamil minority rights in Sri Lanka. Its
success depended on sustained political support from both the countries.
So the Accord got sidelined when political leaders who were unhappy
with the Accord came to power in both countries almost at the same time.
As a result, the Tamil minorities, who had put their faith in it, were
in limbo. These unsavory developments have clouded the understanding of
the positive aspects of the Accord. After all, it was the Accord that
enabled Sri Lankan Tamils to gain recognition for some of their demands
in Sri Lankan politics and in the Sri Lankan Constitution.’