A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
(Full Story)
Search This Blog
Back to 500BC.
==========================
Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, April 29, 2017
Part 2: Indian Plantation Workers Overseas – Ceylon

By Charles Ponnuthurai Sarvan –April 29, 2017
The descendants of Indians brought to Ceylon (since 1972, Sri Lanka) are
particularly unfortunate because the attainment of independence has
worsened their plight, bringing disenfranchisement, “race” riots (and
the accompanying humiliation and terror; assault, rape and murder) and
expatriation. Though these “wretched of the earth” have left little
literary testimony (for reasons already explained), C.V. Velupillai has
tried to ensure that their lives and experiences are not entirely
forgotten. Velupillai, a “coolie” who joined the trade union movement
and then entered parliament, participated in satyagraha (non-violent
protest, on the model of that practised by Mahatma Gandhi) against the
racially discriminatory policies of the government, was arrested and
briefly imprisoned. Born in Ceylon, he never visited India. I have been
able to trace only two of his works: In Ceylon’s Tea Garden (1957) and Born to Labour (1970). The stories and songs by and of a people exploited and discarded are simply told but are all the more effective for it:
They lie dust under dust
Beneath the tea
No wild weed flowers
Or memories token
Tributes rise
Over their humble mound
(Velupillai 1957, 2).
The first group of “coolies” was brought to Ceylon as early as 1817 to
build the road from Colombo to Kandy (Daniel 31). Later, many more came
to work on the coffee plantations (1830-1880) and, when that crop
crashed, to labour on tea estates. When reading statements that the
government of India came to an agreement with the government of Ceylon
(or with that of any other imperial territory) over the export of
labour, it must be borne in mind that India was then under British rule.
The agreement was between British officials, and the natives
played no part in the decision, though they were affected by the
consequences. In the early years, except for the short sea crossing from
India to Ceylon, coolies, both men and women, literally walked from the
north of Ceylon where they were landed, through the jungles of the
North-Central province to the central hill country. The coolies were a
miserable lot, ill-fed, ill-clothed, travelling through jungle,
sometimes without a drop of water, sometimes knee-deep in swamps (Tinker
93). Food being scarce, survival depended on a speedy completion of the
journey, and anyone unable to keep up was abandoned, left in the deep
recesses of the forest amid wild beasts, serpents and insects, with a
handful of rice and a shell of water to meet death all alone (Tinker
173.) Britain gave land free of charge to would-be British planters – a
foreign power gifting that was not its own to its own. Later, land was
sold at the nominal rate of a few shillings per acre. All land for which
there was no proof of ownership – in the form and manner recognised by British law
– was regarded as waste or Crown land, and expropriated (Thondaman
1987, 7). The people of the hill country deeply resented this intrusion
but, unfortunately, their resentment and hatred were directed not at the
rulers and the plantation companies, but at the hapless plantation
workers, the miserable victims of a rapacious commercial enterprise
(Fries and Bibin 13).
The coolie found himself a bonded serf, burdened with a debt he could
never redeem, however long and hard he worked (Thondaman 1987, 78) As on
plantation in other countries, a breach of a labour agreement was
“tantamount to a penal breach of the law … a criminal offence”
(Thondaman 1987, 79). The employer was judge supreme against whom there
was no appeal, no redress. The workers were, and are, segregated in
their “lines”, shrouded in their daily work, a grey existence in the
vast panorama of lush, green, rolling hills (Velupillai 1970, 1). “A
family unit of father, mother, two children and a grown up daughter”
occupy a line room, a living space of ten feet by twelve (Velupillai
1970, 1). A survey found that over seventy percent of
plantation-children were severely malnourished (Gillard 14): hospitals
can offer no cure for arduous and long hours of work, poverty, debt,
malnutrition, and unhygienic living conditions. The experience on
plantations in other territories was no different: in Old Dam (Guyana),
the worker lived on a mudflat without drains, walked barefoot in the
sticky mud when it rained, and the logies were choked with large families (Shineboume 32). On the plantations, the superintendent (the dorai) was a king, a planter Raj, and in his presence, the coolie cringed, and stepped off the estate path into the drains: