A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, June 3, 2017
Sri Lanka: BBS and Big Money
The Muslims seem to be peculiarly vulnerable to attacks on their business interests because of the widespread notion that they are inordinately wealthy, a notion that has had wide currency over several decades, perhaps from the time of Independence and even before that.
( June 2, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) In this writer’s last article – BBS – farce or tragedy or both? –
it was surmised that the Government was failing to take effective
action against the BBS because the Government’s hallmark has been its
hedonism: the pleasure principle reigns supreme so that knotty problems
tend to be pushed aside. But is that the whole explanation? The question
arises because the BBS certainly has nothing like mass support. That
has been shown by its failure to ignite mass violence against the
Muslims, and also by the fact that its representative at the last
General Elections got no more than an utterly derisory 27,000 votes. The
Government can therefore safely apply the law against the BBS but it
prefers to make itself look ridiculous by whining that there has been a
dereliction of duty on the part of the Police. So, the following
question cannot be avoided: Is there a force that constrains the
Government’s action on the BBS?
To give a satisfactory reply to that question we have to take into
account certain facts about democracy, not at the theoretical level but
how it actually works on the ground. Under democracy the Government does
not have an unmediated relationship with the people as is commonly
assumed, and it is not necessarily free to act with the backing of the
people. Between the Government and the people there are the
intermediaries of the Opposition and the civil society which can impose
serious constraints on the Government. In addition there are interest
groups, which can sometimes be shadowy entities that function in
clandestine ways to determine the Government’s policy. In the US there
is the military industrial complex against the potential power of which
President Eisenhower alerted the American people decades ago. Another
well-known example is the Zionist lobby which has been a powerful
determinant of American policy in the Middle East.
The writer would postulate the existence of a shadowy ultranationalist
group in Sri Lanka that can commandeer big money, and further that it is
that group that has been imposing constraints on the last and the
present Government’s action on the BBS. That money can confer power is
of course a commonplace. After 1977 in particular big money has been a
very potent factor in our politics. Consequently the Government has to
heed the wishes of the people and it has also to heed the diktats of big
money at least to some extent. Is the writer being irresponsibly
speculative here?
At the empirical level the evidence is convincing enough. The focus of
the BBS attacks both under the last Government and the present one has
been on mosques and Muslim-owned business premises. That was partly for
the reason that the Islamophobic hate campaign to ignite mass violence
against the Muslims failed completely. It is reasonable to presume that
the big money that has been behind the BBS right from its inception has
had its eyes sharply focused on the prospect of getting hold of Muslim
business and putting it into Sinhalese hands. It will be remembered that
both the Sinhalese and the Tamils profited from the destruction of
Tamil business during the 1983 pogrom. This time around Sinhalese big
money could hope to get the lion’s share of the loot. We should recall
also that one of the major reasons for the 1915 riots was that low
country Sinhalese traders who were trying to break into the Kandyan
provinces wanted to eliminate Muslim rivalry there. So, it is reasonable
to think that the major driving force – at least at the indigenous
level – behind the BBS is Sinhalese big money, and that the Government
is wary about taking really effective action against the BBS because of
its respect for that big money.
The Muslims seem to be peculiarly vulnerable to attacks on their
business interests because of the widespread notion that they are
inordinately wealthy, a notion that has had wide currency over several
decades, perhaps from the time of Independence and even before that. It
had particularly wide currency after a nexus was established in the
‘sixties between Ratnapura and the gem merchants around Beruwala,
resulting in their displaying their wealth in a vulgarly ostentatious
manner. How misleading was the impression that the Muslims as a whole
were inordinately wealthy was brought home to this writer when he headed
our Embassy in Manila from 1970 to 1972. A couple of Sri Lankan
Catholics who worked full-time in serving lepers came to the Embassy and
in the course of conversation made the point that the Muslims had a
disproportionately high number of lepers in comparison to the other
ethnic groups. Their explanation was that there is a correlation between
leprosy and poverty and the Muslims as a whole were poorer than the
others. Impressions can be misleading, and the continuing notion of
inordinate Muslim wealth is almost certainly mistaken.
What should be done? The question arises because the Muslims as a whole
feel threatened as a consequence of some of them, in fact a few of them,
being very wealthy. It is understandable that they should feel
threatened as a whole because the BBS hate campaign targets them as a
whole. The particular targets chosen by the BBS are significant. The
mosques are chosen because the Muslims are an intensely religious people
and the outrageous insults to Allah and Islam are meant to convey that
in the new hierarchical ordering of Sri Lanka the Muslims will have a
very low, hardly human, place. That will be very appealing to the
bestialized racist elite among the BBS. But it won’t have much traction
with the average Sinhalese Buddhist who is not a bestialized racist.
What will have traction with them is the idea of putting an end to the
supposedly inordinate wealth of the Muslims. So the question really is
what should be done about that supposedly inordinate wealth?
What requires to be done is to move from impressions to the hard facts,
to the statistics about the comparative economic positions of our ethnic
groups. At one time it was possible to establish that through
statistics provided by the Government, not impressions but authoritative
data. In the first half of the ‘nineties the writer produced a study on
the Sri Lankan Muslims using a Marga Institute report which
established, basing itself on Government statistics, that the specially
privileged economic position of the Muslims was a myth and that the
economic positions of all our ethnic groups were more or less the same,
except of course for the estate Tamils due to very special
circumstances. In 1998 the writer, anticipating the kind of development
we are witnessing at present, wanted the Marga Institute to prepare a
further study on the same subject, but it was found that appropriate
Government statistics were no longer available. The Muslim leadership
must now try to persuade the Government to prepare the statistics in a
way that will make the relative economic positions of our ethnic groups
once again visible.
That is crucially important both in the interests of the Muslims and of
national integration. The reason is that the present wave of
Islamophobic activity can die down but it can be expected to crest
again. That is to be expected in terms of the paradigm of racism which
provides the best tool for analyzing and getting to grips with our
ethnic problems. According to that paradigm as economic development
takes place, competition for scarce resources will increase, with ethnic
groups functioning as interest groups, a process that can lead to
ethnic rivalry and conflict. We must also bear in mind the raw facts
about capitalism: it leads to no-holds barred cut-throat competition
unless the State plays a regulatory role. Unfortunately the Sri Lankan
state has a very poor record in playing a regulatory role over ethnic
matters. It is therefore up to the civil society, representing all our
ethnic groups, to move and save this country. Sri Lanka, after all, is
worth saving.
izethhussain@gmail.com
izethhussain@gmail.com



