A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, June 28, 2017
The TNA storm in a tea cup
By Harim Peiris-June 27, 2017, 12:00 pm

Therefore, the recent saga in Tamil politics, where Northern Chief
Minister, retired Justice Wigneswaren was almost removed by a motion of
no confidence moved by a majority of the Northern Provincial Council,
riveted political attention up North and to the chief protagonists in
the crisis, namely the Chief Minister and Illankai Tamil Arasu Katchi
(ITAK) leader and former general secretary Mavai Senathirajah.
It took the wisdom and sagacity of TNA leader Rajavarothian Sambanthan,
ably assisted by his trusted assistant, President’s Counsel M.A.
Sumanthiran, to defuse the crisis and restore a semblance of unity
between the dominant ITAK and some of its smaller partners, affiliates
and fellow travelers.
Chief Minister refuses to support TNA at general election
Now, it is not for the first time that there has been sharp divergence
in policies and politics between the Chief Minister and the ITAK. The
first instance was during the general elections of 2015, when Chief
Minister Wigneswaren made an amazing public statement and took the
political stand, that he would not be supporting the TNA at the general
elections since he must be above, or as a provincial leader, was beneath
the parliamentary political fray. Such a stance was unheard of either
in Sri Lanka or abroad. You would not for instance have a Governor in
the US refusing to campaign for his party at congressional elections.
The result of this act of political ingratitude to the TNA, which had
brought him out from the cold and installed as Chief Minster through the
Party’s block vote, was that the TNA, which secured five (5) of the
seven (7) seats in the Jaffna district lost out on getting the sixth
seat by just six votes and the beneficiary of that close call was, of
course, Vijeykala Maheswaren of the UNP, which secured the sixth seat
and the EPDP’s Douglas Devananda, who came in seventh.
However, Chief Minister Wigneswaren did not strictly stay neutral in the
general election fray. Three days before the polls he issued a
statement calling upon the Tamil people to vote for Tamil parties that
would support the Tamil struggle rather than a compromise. This was both
a break from his position of being supposedly recused from the process
and left the Tamil polity in doubt as to whether he criticising the TNA
and recommending the political alliance of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress
(ACTC) led by the intransigent and anti-engagement Gajan Ponnambalam.
But, the Chief Minister learnt a lesson he seems to have since forgotten
that when he goes and acts against the ITAK/TNA, (the parliamentary
elections were contested as ITAK since TNA is not a registered political
party or alliance), he has no electoral currency, credibility or clout.
The general elections of August 2015, were a rout for the Chief
Minister’s preferred ACTC-led non-engagers. For all Gajan Ponnambalam’ s
rather extreme Tamil nationalist rhetoric, his group secured just a
little over five thousand votes in the entire Jaffna District getting
less than one third of the over seventeen thousand votes secured by
young Angajan Ramanathan, leading the UPFA unsuccessful effort under
Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sinhala nationalism. The reality of the Jaffna
District general election of August 2015 is that the Sinhala nationalism
of Rajapaksa as represented by young Ramanathan on the UPFA ticket had
three times more attraction than the Tamil nationalism of the variety
sprouted by Galen Ponnambalam. This, despite the Chief Minister’s
misguided endorsement! Following the general election as well, many ITAK
Northern Provincial Councilors wished to remove Chief Minister and once
again TNA and the then newly minted Leader of the Opposition
Sambanthan, demonstrated that he wanted to repay evil with good by
letting the Chief Minister remain.
The next action by the Chief Minister, against the ITAK was the
formation of the Tamil People’s Forum (TPF) essentially the political
refuge of those who were unsuccessful at the general elections of 2015.
The Chief Minister instead of focusing on dealing with and ameliorating
the effects of the conflict in the North, was busy trying to create and
be an alternative voice to the TNA / ITAK in Tamil politics. Again, ITAK
provincial councilors wanted to remove the Chief Minister, but TNA
leader Sambanthan demonstrated how much Tamil politics had changed by
letting him remain in that position.
The new democratic Tamil political leadership of the TNA/ITAK leadership
of Sambanthan, Senathiraja and Sumanthiran are not even willing to take
action against their internal critics. One hopes their political
accommodation and graciousness, which turns Machiavelli’s theories on
its head, would be electorally rewarded in time to come, not least
because reconciliation in Sri Lanka requires the moderation and
democratic credentials of the ITAK’s leadership.