A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Sunday, September 30, 2018
The Machinery of Administration Under Parliamentary Government
by Leelananda
De Silva-September 29, 2018, 12:00 pm
De Silva-September 29, 2018, 12:00 pm
The Jennings Constitution of 1948 lasted for 25 years until 1972. The
new 1972 constitution abolished Sri Lanka’s Dominion status, removed the
Queen as Head of State and also removed the provisions relating to the
autonomy of the public and judicial services and made Sri Lanka a
Republic, although the parliamentary system, with the Prime Minister as
Head of Government remained unchanged. The new constitution of 1972
lasted only six years, that being replaced by a new Presidential system
of government. The 1972 constitution brought many changes, but the
administrative machinery experienced no great changes. Although the
focus in this article is on the 1948 constitution, and the period up to
1972, its influence largely continued until 1978. The Jennings
constitution was a marvel of simplicity and legal clarity, with about
100 provisions running to about 25 pages, concentrating on matters that
require constitutional determination. The provisions of that
constitution were hardly questioned in courts of law.
There were several provisions in the 1948 constitution which had a
direct impact on the administrative machinery of government. As Walter
Bagehot, the authority on the British constitution of the 19th century
said, "a Cabinet is a combining committee – a hyphen which joins, a
buckle which fastens the legislative part of the state to the executive
part of the state". What the Cabinet also did was to link the political
executive (which is the Cabinet) with the "permanent administrative
executive", in other words the public service. It was the Cabinet which
provided leadership to the administrative machinery of government. The
Cabinet under the 1948 constitution, created Cabinet Ministers and also
Ministries, which were run by individual members of the Cabinet.
Although there was no specific provision under the constitution for
particular ministries to be established, with one exception, by
tradition the Prime Minister appointed about 20 Cabinet Ministers at any
one time. The one exception was regarding the post of Prime Minister,
who was also constitutionally required to be the Minister of Defence and
External Affairs, until this was changed in 1972 and practically
discontinued in 1977. Others might disagree, but it can be argued that
the best Ministers of Defence and External Affairs were the Prime
Ministers who held that job. They allowed the Foreign Department and the
Defence Department to be run by professionals without day-to-day
management of these services as is the practice today. Under this
arrangement, professionalism flourished without political interference.
Other provisions in the constitution which affected the public service
related to the appointment of Permanent Secretaries as heads of
Ministries and as their chief accounting officers, and the Public
Service Commission (PSC) which ensured a large degree of autonomy for
the public service.
The Ministerial System
The system of organizing the tasks of government on the basis of
Ministries was new to Sri Lanka. Between 1931 and 1947 under the
Donoughmore Constitution, there were Ministers but no Ministries. Now
under the new constitution, several departments were grouped together to
form a Ministry of which the political head was the Minister and the
administrative head was the Permanent Secretary. During this period
between 1948 and 1972, Cabinets consisted of about 20, or a little more,
members at any one time. While all Cabinet Ministers were equal, some
Cabinet Ministers held more important portfolios than others. Between
1948 and 1965, it can be argued that the most influential Ministry was
the Ministry of Finance (the Treasury). Its influence gradually
declined, with some of its early powers being removed to other bodies.
With the establishment of the Central Bank in 1950, monetary policy
became the responsibility of the latter. In 1965, with the establishment
of the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs, the capital budget
and the external resources budget were removed from the Finance
Ministry. Now there was a countervailing authority to the Finance
Ministry in the field of economic affairs. Then in 1970, the
responsibility of the Ministry of Finance for the public service was
removed to the new Ministry of Public Administration.
Apart from the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Planning and
Economic Affairs had a central role in the years 1965 to 1977. This was
headed by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister therefore by 1965,
headed three powerful Ministries – Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Defence
and Planning and Economic Affairs. What were the other more powerful
Ministries at the time? Power depends on two factors – the importance of
the tasks under a Ministry, and the political importance of the
individual Minister. At this time, Sri Lanka was largely an agricultural
economy. The Ministries of Lands and Irrigation and of Agriculture were
powerful Ministries. They were also headed by high profile political
personalities (Dudley Senanayake, C.P. De Silva, Maithripala Senanayake,
M.D. Banda, J.R. Jayawardena, Felix Dias Bandaranaike). Ministries of
Health and Education, although high spending Ministries, did not attract
high profile political personalities. One notable feature during these
25 years was that relevant departments continued to be grouped within
the same Ministry, enabling a close working relationship to be developed
within each Ministry. This enabled easy coordination and great
familiarity in the workings of a related group of subjects, very much
unlike the administrative mayhem of today.
Under the 1948 constitution, a provision was made for the appointment of
Parliamentary Secretaries (later called Deputy Ministers). Each
Ministry had a Parliamentary Secretary. This arrangement was not a very
effective one, most of the time. Parliamentary Secretaries were hardly
ever delegated with specific functions, and when they did, they were not
the important ones. Ministers and their deputies most of the time did
not see eye to eye with each other and the Ministers generally
disregarded them. They were not important to the functioning of
Ministries. There might have been a few exceptions.
Permanent Secretaries
When they first came to be appointed in 1948, most of them were from the
Ceylon Civil Service. There were no other senior administrative grade
personnel at that time, and a few who were there were appointed
Permanent Secretaries (labour, local government). The Ministry of
Justice always had a lawyer as its Permanent Secretary. One crucial
factor to be noted in these appointments was that administrators were
selected to these posts and not high officials of technical departments.
It can be argued that senior engineers, scientists, doctors were
ignored in appointments as Permanent Secretaries in relevant
departments. There was an obvious tilt towards the generalist rather
than the specialist, until about 1965. In 1965, a professional economist
(Dr. Gamani Corea) was brought in to head the Ministry of Planning and
Economic Affairs. Under the same government, for the first time, a
private sector person was brought in as Permanent Secretary to the
Ministry of State (Anandatissa de Alwis). In 1970, the new Sirimavo
Bandaranaike government broke away from past practices and appointed
several Permanent Secretaries from outside the public service and also
brought in specialists to head relevant Ministries. The post of
Permanent Secretary was a constitutional position and was never intended
to be exclusively reserved for former civil servants or administrators.
Specialists could have been appointed from the start, although this was
not done. Whether specialists could have performed better in a policy
advisory role, rather than the generalist administrator, in a matter to
be argued.
District Administration
The constitution of 1948 had little to say about provincial, district or
local administration. Local government in the country was based not on
constitutional provisions, but on legislative acts from the central
legislature. Whether that practice should have continued, instead of
including all these matters in new constitutions, is still open to
argument. The kachcheri system of district administration continued
during the period 1948 to 1977. During British times, the district
administrative system was a blend of feudal and modern bureaucratic
practices. Change came about gradually with the abolition of the
Mudaliyar and Ratemahathaya system previously and the village headmen
system in the early 1960s. There was a demand by members of parliament
in the later years to have some control on district administration.
From 1948 to about 1970, MPs had some voice in district administration,
especially through the District Coordinating Committee (DCC) which met
once in about three months. Then there were the regular meetings with
members of parliament in kachcheris and other district offices. In the
mid-1970s, a more formal District Minister system and District Political
Authority System was emerging. District administration was also being
affected by the greater presence of the military at district level and
the appointment of District Coordinating Officers from the military.
In 1948, there were only nine government agents, one for each province
and in the late 1950s, a GA was appointed for each district (there were
21 or 22 of them). It would have been feasible at the time to examine
the prospect of devolution to the district level instead of the
provinces, but that opportunity was lost. What is important to notice is
also that all the changes at the district level were brought, not
through any amendment to the constitution, but by ordinary legislation.
It is worth looking back at the administrative experience of Ceylon/Sri
Lanka until the 1970s to draw lessons and improve the current chaotic
conditions of administrative incompetence and excessive staffing of
almost every department. The political control of the administrative
machinery at the provincial and district levels need to be re-assessed
to allow for much greater autonomy for provincial officials. Other
systems of decentralized administration need to be explored. For
example, there could be more local control of hospitals and schools
(boards of school management, parent teacher associations), through
elected committees which oversaw the work of these institutions, instead
of by politicians.
There has been little analysis or discussion of Sri Lanka’s experience
in public administration during the parliamentary system of government.
It is now in the process of being forgotten. Institutions like the Sri
Lanka Institute for Development Administration should encourage the
study of the history of public administration in this country. I would
venture to suggest that up until the 1970s, the administrative grades of
the public service were more aware of the development of administrative
systems and their historical background. The present generation of
administrators and other public servants should have that same
knowledge. To illustrate, are the current day irrigation engineers aware
of the proud history of their department over a hundred years?