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?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, December 28, 2018
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights at 70

Featured image courtesy Sadler’s Wells \ Photo shows a flag designed by Chinese artist and activist Ai WeiWei to mark the 70th anniversary of the Declaration. The design was inspired by
the artist’s time spent visiting Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, where
he noticed that nearly everyone was barefooted; the bare footprint
intended a symbol that ‘relates to anyone who has ever been forced to
flee’.
LONDON – Seven decades after its adoption, the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR) remains a beacon of hope for the world, sending out
an unequivocal message that an injustice anywhere is a threat to justice
everywhere, and that no abuse of human rights can be allowed to
continue without challenge.
While illiberalism and authoritarianism is on the rise, it is important
to recall that the UDHR – and the covenants and conventions it has
inspired – champions every person’s right to life, liberty, and
security. Incorporated into many countries’ constitutions, it stipulates
that no one should be subjected to torture or to arbitrary arrest or
detention. It enshrines the rights to a fair trial, privacy, free
expression and association, and freedom of thought in religion and
conscience. Moreover, it emphasizes important social and economic
rights, such as the right to work and form labor unions.
But the authors of the UDHR – created amid the Cold War politics of the
1940s – could only agree on what rights people should have, not on why these rights should be regarded as fundamental, let alone how or by whom they
should be protected. At the outset, there were no enforcement treaties,
no proper appeal mechanisms, and, until much later, not even basic
covenants countries could sign. A creature of its time, the UDHR also
says little about the rights of women, the disabled, the LGBTQ+
community, and children. And so, despite major advances over the last
seven decades – such as the creation of the International Criminal Court
(ICC) and the UN’s Responsibility to Protect doctrine – human-rights
abuses continue to be perpetrated at an alarming rate and with virtual
impunity.
To make recommendations relevant to a review of the UDHR at 70, New York
University convened the Global Citizenship Commission (of which I was
chair) under the auspices of John Sexton and Paul Boghossian. Our
deliberations were informed by a team of philosophers brilliantly led by
Jeremy Waldron.
Beyond enumerating rights, the Commission argued for a new clarity about
who should carry out the corresponding duties, and how. Time and again,
vetoes or threats of vetoes by the permanent members of the UN Security
Council have blocked action. The resulting paralysis has not only
permitted massive loss of human life; it has also undermined the
credibility of collective security, enabling increasingly flagrant
human-rights abuses. To address this, the Commission’s report recommends that the Security
Council’s permanent members voluntarily suspend their vetoes in
situations involving mass atrocities and, by implication, allow more
scope for the ICC. And, beyond identifying the more detailed
responsibilities of governments and international institutions, new
mechanisms should be created to ensure corporate compliance with human
rights.
It is to the credit of the UDHR’s authors that, unlike the European
Convention on Human Rights, a single declaration enshrines not only
civil and political rights, but also social and economic rights. But it
is not enough to declare that such rights are important. In South
Africa, for example, a modern constitution includes explicit commitments
to upholding social rights. Yet the country has found no satisfactory
means of enforcing them.
The desperate plight of the world’s nearly 70 million displaced people and
over 20 million refugees has just been recognized in new agreements
hammered out in December this year. The Commission’s report asserts
unequivocally that the world’s refugee protection system should be
strengthened, not least by reaching an effective consensus on the
balance between the right to movement and the power of states to
restrict it –with the long-term objective of a new international convention that supports Sustainable Development Goal 10.7, which commits states to “facilitate safe, orderly, regular, and responsible migration.”
One of the Commission’s most urgent sets of recommendations relates to the treatment of children now at risk in the world’s 40-plus ongoing wars. A new report that emerged this year from the Commission’s work, Protecting Children in Armed Conflict,
edited by Shaheed Fatima QC, also calls for radical changes – for
schools in conflict zones to enjoy the same effective protection as
hospitals; for states to take active measures to prevent sexual violence
against children and to prevent child abductions and trafficking, and
for a clear declaration that denial of humanitarian access is always
unlawful where civilians are at risk of starvation. In the longer term,
Fatima recommends that the international community consider adopting a
comprehensive legal instrument and civil accountability mechanism for
the protection of children in armed conflict.
Former US First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt – the driving force behind the UDHR – once declaredthat
human rights begin “in small places close to home, so close and so
small that they cannot be seen on any maps of the world. Unless these
rights have meaning there, they have little meaning anywhere.” And
indeed, The Ordinary Virtues by
the former Canadian politician Michael Ignatieff, which grew from a
Carnegie study, indicates that even in the world’s most desolate and
lawless corners, individuals have a strong sense of their own rights and
also, if to a lesser extent, of the importance of treating those close
to them with decency.
Yet, even as the world becomes more deeply integrated, millions do not
have a strong sense that human rights should be upheld as the universal
rights of all. That is why the Commission, citing the work of Fonna
Forman, founding Director of the Center on Global Justice at the
University of California, San Diego, makes recommendations about how
governments might actively encourage and support human-rights education –
something few countries currently do.
After all, as Roosevelt pointed out, documents expressing ideals “carry
no weight unless the people know them, unless the people understand
them, unless the people demand that they be lived.” That simple truth
must underpin the world’s agenda for championing human rights now and in
the future.
The Global Citizenship Commission report
was made possible with editorial help from K. Anthony Appiah, Craig
Calhoun, Andrew Hilland, Robert Shrum, Diane C. Yu, and many others. For
the full membership of the Commission, see gias.nyu.edu/2016/04/release-global-citizenship-commission-report/.
Gordon Brown, former Prime Minister
and Chancellor of the Exchequer of the United Kingdom, is United Nations
Special Envoy for Global Education and Chair of the International
Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity. He chairs the
Advisory Board of the Catalyst Foundation.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2018.www.project-syndicate.org