A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, December 29, 2018
Undivided India: Truth or Farce
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It would be a silly question indeed to ask why December 25th is
celebrated. On the other hand, one could ask why it is a national
holiday in Pakistan, for it is not because it’s Christmas. By an
unusual coincidence it happens to be the birthday of Muhammad Ali
Jinnah, the founding father of the country. Exactly how Pakistan came
into being is an interesting story as it also leads to the question
whether the dismemberment of the Indian subcontinent — now three
countries — could have been averted.
Jinnah started out as a voice for Hindu-Muslim unity, although wary of
majoritarianism and Hindu domination. A highly successful lawyer with
patrician tastes, he was averse to mob violence and wanted
constitutional independence — the British handing over to an elected
Indian government and a constitution safeguarding the rights of
minorities.
The first step was to seek Dominion status in which Indians would run
their own affairs although subject to control by the British
government. Accordingly a London conference was convened. The Round
Table Conference began in grand style on November 30, 1930 with a
plenary session at the House of Lords; after which the participants
retired to St. James Palace for the talks.
Hindu and Muslim members sought first to agree on a united front. His
Highness The Aga Khan was leading the delegation and also spoke for the
Muslims. Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, a prominent Hindu member, has written
that the Aga Khan agreed to the Hindu demand for joint electorates,
instead of separate Hindu and Muslim ones, but with the reservation of
seats for Muslims, and he added magnanimously, “In that event you lead
and we follow.” Jaswant Singh describes (p. 178) what transpired in his
excellent book, “Jinnah: India — Partition, Independence.”
Unfortunately the Hindu members receptive to the proposal were
intimidated by the others and the Hindu Mahasaba (p. 179, ibid.), the
precursor of the nationalist Hindutva movement. Prime Minister Modi’s
Bharataya Janata Party (BJP) has a Hindu nationalist fervor which has
unmasked the BJP that was in power with Jaswant Singh as Foreign
Minister.
Without a united front, the Round Table Conference was doomed. The
seeds of Pakistan had been sown, and as Jinnah repeatedly confronted
majoritarianism devoid of any assurances for Muslims, his demands for
Pakistan became more implacable.
The last chance for one India arrived in 1946 with the Cabinet Mission.
Field Marshal Viscount Archibald Percival Wavell served as Viceroy of
India from 1943 to early 1947. Lord Wavell hosted the Mission and
served as a link to the parties i.e. Jinnah of the Muslim League and
Nehru of the Congress Party. The somewhat ingenious plan devised
coalesced the provinces into four groups, the western provinces (now
Pakistan), the east, the center and the south. The first two were
Muslim majority, the latter two Hindu. The individual provinces would
elect members to a group constituent assembly which would then select
representatives for the central government in Delhi. Equal Hindu and
Muslim groups ensured reasonable parity in Delhi.
The interim government in Delhi that Wavell had in mind would consist of
a council of twelve (p. 207, ibid.): five from the Muslim League, five
from Congress, one Sikh and one Dalit. In accepting the plan and
therefore less, Jinnah was putting his demand for Pakistan at risk. The
gesture was unappreciated for with each letter and each communication
with Congress, Wavell’s original parity suffered dilution. Moreover,
Nehru even rejected the Cabinet Mission’s grouping plan claiming clearly
falsely that, the “entire country is opposed” to it (p. 379, ibid.).
In the end there were fourteen members of the council without parity for
Muslims. The plan was formally rejected by the Muslim League on July
27, 1946 (p. 382, ibid.). The era of a constitutional path to
independence was over. Jinnah and the Muslim League had tired of
Nehru’s repeated shifts on positions critical to Muslim interests.
Thus the call for Direct Action. The demonstrations began on August 16,
1946, and the confrontations led to riots leading to killings. The
British government recalled Wavell in February 1947. Lord Mountbatten
of Burma took over, and a precipitate rush to independence followed.
Group enmities resulted in a mania of killing as Muslims fleeing
violence in the new India and Hindus and Sikhs the same in Pakistan fled
towards the borders without protection. Over two million lost their
lives before the cataclysm ended. And occasional spasms still erupt
such as the 2002 killings of Muslims in Gujarat during Modi’s rule plus
numerous other incidents.
The leftovers include the continuing troubles in Indian Kashmir and the
frequent blinding of the young during demonstrations. The security
forces eschew rubber bullets for pellet loaded shotguns. The
decades-long insurgency has cost the lives of up to 100,000 Kashmiris.
The two countries have fought four wars. In the first, Pakistan wrested
control of a third of Kashmir from India after the Maharaja seceded the
state to India against the wishes of an overwhelming majority of his
people. In the third war, India repaid Pakistan in kind paving the way
for East Pakistan to become the new country of Bangladesh. The other
two wars ended in the status quo ante. If there is another war, the
world could face a nuclear winter — about 300 nuclear weapons in the two
countries are trained on each other.
What a price to pay for majoritarianism! In the meantime, the new Modi
government with its Hindu nationalist agenda and continuing contempt for
secularism — even centuries-old place names are being changed —
confirms the fears of the Muslim minority, justifying their course of
action during that fateful summer of 1946.
Arshad M. Khan is a former professor who has, over many years, written
occasionally for the print and often for online media outlets. This
piece first appeared in Counter Punch