A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Tuesday, January 1, 2019
Govt. must not ignore TNA’s interests
The dispute over the position of the Leader of the Opposition is not
attracting much attention. It is taken for granted by most people that
the Leader of the Opposition should be from the party in opposition that
is largest, which is clearly the UPFA which has 95 members of
parliament. During the recent political crisis, the UPFA and its allies
were able to consistently show as many as 103 MPs on their side.
Therefore, it is not surprising that following the withdrawal of the
UPFA from the government alliance by President Maithripala Sirisena, the
Speaker Karu Jayasuriya should have selected former president Mahinda
Rajapaksa to be Leader of the Opposition. By way of contrast, the former
Leader of the Opposition, R Sampanthan of the TNA, is currently able to
muster the support of only 14 MPs.
The loss of the Leader of the Opposition position has dealt a major
political blow to the TNA. The fact that the Speaker should have
announced the change of Leader of Opposition without discussing the
matter with the TNA or with Mr Sampanthan has been a matter of distress
to them. They feel that they did everything they could do to ensure that
the government was restored after it had been sacked by President
Maithripala Sirisena. They went out of their way to support the Prime
Minister and the Speaker. But after the government was restored, they
became a victim instead of being appreciated for the service that they
had done. This has provided grounds for the political rivals of the TNA
within the Tamil community, who espouse Tamil nationalism as their
instrument of political mobilisation, to point this out to the Tamil
community to the detriment of the TNA.
The Leader of the Opposition is a prestigious position that gave the TNA
an official status both within and outside the country and made its
leader one of the topmost in the pantheon of the country. This was not
merely a symbolic honor to the TNA and to the Tamil community that voted
for it. There was also a very practical reason why the Leader of the
Opposition position is important to the TNA. As this position is high in
the hierarchy of the state, the Leader of the Opposition is able to get
more things done than can be done by an ordinary MP or even as leader
of a political party. A request by the Leader of the Opposition would
carry more weight and get more things done especially from the
government bureaucracy and even the military. In addition, the Leader of
the Opposition is provided with a fully equipped office with staff.
DENIED POWER
Over the past three years the TNA enjoyed this single source of state
power that the Tamil community has seldom had the opportunity to enjoy.
The significance of the Leader of the Opposition’s position is that it
gives the TNA, which represents a minority community, a position within
Sri Lanka’s hierarchy of political leaders. The position of the Tamil
polity has almost always been one of dissenting from the mainstream and
not wishing to join governments that did not prioritise obtaining for
them their rights as a distinct nation entitled to be treated as an
equal constituent part of the larger Sri Lankan polity. In the late
1960s the main Tamil party of that time, the Federal Party, joined the
government of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake for about two years, but
then withdrew from it when the government was unable to deliver on its
promises to them.
The crisis over the Leader of the Opposition’s position is yet another
reason why the Sri Lankan constitution needs to be revised to
accommodate the rights of the ethnic and religious minorities so that
they may have a fair share of power. This is a pledge that was made at
the general elections of 2015 and which needs to be kept. The intention
of the government to resume the constitution-making process which had
been at a standstill for a while as a result of the recent political
crisis and prorogation of parliament is a commendable one. The
Parliamentary Steering Committee appointed to draft the new constitution
is scheduled to meet during the first parliamentary week in January. It
will take up for discussion a report compiled by the experts committee
appointed to advise the Steering Committee on preparing the draft
Constitution. The Steering Committee consists of members of all the
political parties in Parliament.
The TNA is reported to be preparing to appeal their case to the courts
of law. The courts have shown themselves to be able to decide logically,
unlike the political leadership which is carried away by their
self-interest. There are two key arguments that the TNA can make. The
first is that President Sirisena, who heads the UPFA is part and parcel
of the government and it is, therefore, illogical that a member of the
UPFA should also be Leader of the Opposition. President Sirisena is part
and parcel of the government on account of his holding three cabinet
ministries, namely the ministries of Defence, Mahaweli Development and
Environment. In addition, he has attached to himself the police
department which was formerly under the Ministry of Law and Order and
the government printer’s department which was formerly under the
Ministry of Parliamentary Reforms.
PRINCIPLED PARTY
It is noteworthy that the 19th Amendment which granted to President
Sirisena the ministries of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment
envisages that it will be specifically limited to him, and to no other
president who follows. Section 51 states that "Notwithstanding anything
to the contrary in the Constitution, the person holding office as
President on the date of commencement of this Act, so long as he holds
the Office of President may assign to himself the subjects and functions
of Defence, Mahaweli Development and Environment and determine the
Ministries to be in his charge for that purpose…" This provision will
cease to function after President Sirisena ceases to hold office.
Therefore, it can be argued that the 19th Amendment envisaged President
Sirisena to be part of the government and not as an opposition figure.
As President Sirisena heads the UPFA, and is part of the government, it
is not logical that another member of the UPFA can be Leader of the
Opposition.
A second argument that can be made is that former president Mahinda
Rajapaksa cannot be Leader of the Opposition on account of his joining
the SLPP, which is not a constituent party of the UPFA. Shortly after
President Sirisena dissolved parliament on November 9, Mr Rajapaksa and
several other MPs joined the SLPP. This was given wide prominence in the
news media at that time. Therefore, there is a case to be made that
they no longer belong to the UPFA. The question is whether they can be
members of two political parties at the same time so long as no
objection is made by the two parties they belong to. So far, no such
objection has been made. Former president Rajapaksa and the rest of his
party who took membership of the SLPP with much fanfare and publicity,
now deny that they took such membership. It is both sad and
disappointing that they deny the truth in a most unabashed manner. This
disregard of the general public, and the truth, is not a reassuring
portent of things to come.
In this situation, it is incumbent on the part of the government to do
its best to support the TNA in its bid to retain the position of Leader
of the Opposition. In the context of the political crisis, where the
president himself was judged by the Supreme Court to have violated the
constitution in dissolving parliament, the TNA under the leadership of R
Sampanthan comes across as a party that stood for principle and did not
bargain with either side, but did its duty by the constitution and the
right thing that needed to be done. But today the TNA has been put into
the politically difficult position of showing its own voters that it
achieved something for them too. If it is unable to do this, the TNA’s
political strength is likely to be eroded by Tamil nationalist parties
who will, together with the ethnic nationalists of the other
communities, once again take the country on the part of ethnic
polarization that the TNA has tried to prevent.